# Verb-initial grammars: A multilingual/parallel perspective
# ESRC Project RES-000-23-0505
# Oxford University
# Charles Randriamasimanana


# Malagasy syntax/semantics: 
# Malagasy Coordination - ESRC-OX-06-CR208.


# Malagasy Coordination.testfile.

# My purpose here is to explore the behaviour and distribution of the following coordination 
# particles in Malagasy:
# (i) a subset of narrow scope particles { aman(a)'and.also', ambin(a)'in.addition.to', 
#    mbamin(a) 'as.well.as' } restricted to adjunctions to NPs;
# (ii) as well as wide scope particles, like sy 'and.also', fa 'but.not' and sady ... no 
#    'and.simultaneously', which license InflP-Adjunct structures; or particles such as ary 
#    'and.subsequently', dia 'and.then', fa 'because/since', ka 'and.as.a.result', na 'either, or', 
#    sa 'whether, or', which license CP-Adjunctions.

# Malagasy is a V(erb)O(bject)S(ubject) language, i.e. subject-final language. It allows 
# two different types of adjunction: InflP-Adjunction whereby an adjoined structure can for 
# example be attached to the immediate right of a matrix VP (or subsequently VP.1), as well
# as CP-Adjunction whereby an adjoined structure can be attached to the immediate right of
# a grammatical subject.

# It will transpire that Adjunction as opposed to Embedding plays a crucial role in Coordination
# in Malagasy. In this language, the hallmark of adjunction as far as VPs are concerned is the
# appearance on conjoined VPs of the same tense-markers. Some cases involve a mere juxtaposition 
# of the two adjacent predicates, but in many other instances, an InflP-Adjunct structure requires 
# the use of a SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particle, while in other cases, a CONSECUTIVE Coordination 
# particle is obligatory, which relegates the adjunct structure to the immediate right of the
# grammatical subject.

# It will become evident that with adjunction structures requiring the same tense-marker on both VP.1
# and VP.2 --whether we have a SIMULTANEOUS or a CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle-- by and large
# VP.2 has the same grammatical subject as VP.1. However it will also become apparent that with a
# CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle like fa 'because, since' a CP-Adjunct can not only have a different
# tense on VP.2, it can also have a different subject --as illustrated at the very end of this document.


# This document is organised into two parts.

# Part One will comprise the following subsections:
# 1. Markedness & Emphasis. Highlighting the following points
#    Correlation Marked Pronoun forms & Coordination.
#    Distribution of emphatic pronoun forms in coordination structures.
#    Correlation Absence of Emphasis/UNMARKED Structure & Empty Subject.
#    Crucial Importance of Grammatical Relations in Coordination.
#    Empty Subject forms. Distinction between Anaphoric Subject & Pronominal Subject.
#    Non-empty, i.e. Non-Zero/Overt Subject pronoun form.
#    Markedness, AGR and overt pronoun form of a grammatical subject.
# 2. Markedness & Plurality.
# 3. Person Hierarchy: 1st p > 2nd p > 3rd p
# 4. Specifier-Head relation in coordinate structures.

Part Two will comprise the following subsections:
# 1. Adjunction: Configurations encoding ONE EVENT vs Configurations encoding TWO EVENTS.
# 2. Coordination particles sy 'and.also', ary 'and.subsequently & Determination of status: 
#    ONE EVENT vs TWO EVENT VPs.
# 3. TWO EVENTS: SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particle vs CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle.
# 4. Other SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particles { ambin(a)'in.addition.to', aman(a) 'and.also', 
#    mbamin(a)'as.well.as', na 'either, or', sa 'whether, or',...}.
# 5. Other CONSECUTIVE Coordination particles { ka 'and.as.a.result', fa 'since, because', ...}.



# Malagasy Coordination - Part One.

# Part One of this document will explore the notion of Markedness as it relates to either
# the notion of Emphasis or that of Marked structure -- as opposed to an Unmarked structure.
# Such a preliminary will enable us to understand the distribution of emphatic or marked
# forms of Malagasy pronouns inside coordination structures. This in turn will help us
# relate to two crucial correlations: A first correlation between the Absence of Emphasis/
# UNMARKED Structure & the distribution of an Empty Subject; a second correlation between
# an Overt Subject pronoun form & a MARKED structure, as previously defined. In the
# process, the two different forms an Empty Subject can take will be illustrated, leading 
# ultimately to a distinction between an Anaphoric Empty Subject & a Pronominal Empty Subject. 
# Last but not least, some remarkable properties of the subject of a coordinate predicate will be
# shown, which seem to be supported by some data involving Specifier-Head relation in coordinate 
# structures.


# Subsection 1: Markedness & Emphasis.

# A. Emphasis.

# (i) Correlation Marked Pronoun forms & Coordination.

# a. Marked = Emphatic.

  Izaho sy ianao
# Izaho         sy       ianao
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg
# 'Emphatic I and you'
# English:' You and I'
# NOTE: In this instance, MARKED means emphatic. There is a contrast between 
# two different forms for the 1st person singular: Emphatic nominative izaho 
# '1st person sing' vs non-emphatic nominative aho '1st person sing'. Use of
# the emphatic form with a conjoined structure yields a grammatical sequence.
# This contrasts with the following:

# Ungrammatical:
  Aho sy ianao                     (0! 0 0 0)
# Aho               sy       ianao
# Non-emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg
# 'Non-emphatic I and you'
# English:' You and I'
# NOTE: The non-emphatic form aho 'I' is used with a conjoined structure
# and the output is irretrievably ungrammatical.

# Ungrammatical:
  Ianao sy izaho         (0! 0 0 0)
# Ianao    sy       izaho
# 2nd.p.sg and.also emph.1st.p.sg
# 'You and I'
# NOTE: This last sequence suggests that there is a hierarchy with the use
# of personal pronouns. Here the first person singular is conjoined to the
# second person singular and the result is irretrievably ungrammatical.
# This contrasts with our first sequence, which is perfectly grammatical
# and where the first person singular precedes the second person singular
# inside the coordinate structure.


# b. Marked = Complex form of the pronoun, which encodes some kind of emphasis 
# or is obligatorily accompanied by an adjunct structure.

  Izaho sy izy tenany
# Izaho         sy       izy  tenany
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he self
# 'I and s/he him/herself'
# English:'S/he in person and I'
# NOTE: The third person singular pronoun is accompanied by the emphatic reflexive 
# anaphor tenany 'self, in person'. The above sequence is perfectly grammatical.

  Izaho sy izy mianaka
# Izaho         sy       izy  m-ianaka
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he pres-descend
# 'I and s/he '
# English:'S/he in person and the father & son/the mother & daughter'
# NOTE: The third person singular pronoun is accompanied by an attribute predicate
# 'mianaka''pres-descend', i.e. 'the father & son/the mother & daughter'. The above 
# sequence is perfectly grammatical.

# Ungrammatical:
  Izaho sy izy                 (0! 0 0 0)
# Izaho         sy       izy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he 
# 'I and s/he'
# English:'s/he and I'
# NOTE: The third person singular pronoun is NOT accompanied by the reflexive anaphor
# tenany 'self, in person' nor by an attribute predicate. The sequence is ungrammatical
# especially when izy is not used deictically.


# (ii) Distribution of emphatic pronoun forms in coordination structures.

  Izaho sy ianao no tokony hividy ilay boky.
# Izaho         sy       ianao    no    tokony h-ividy ilay  boky.
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg focus must   fut-go  DX.sg book
# 'It is emphatic.I and you who must buy the (previous mention) book.'
# English:' It is you and I who must buy the (previous mention) book.'
# NOTE the S(ubject)V(erb)O(ject) word order in that the grammatical subject
# is to the left of VP. This is a MARKED structure, which requires an
# emphatic form of the first person singular, i.e. izaho 'emphatic.I'.

# Ungrammatical:
  Aho sy ianao no tokony hividy ilay boky.   (0! 0 0 0)
# Aho               sy       ianao    no    tokony h-ividy ilay  boky.
# Non-emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg focus must   fut-go  DX.sg book
# 'It is non-emphatic.I and you who must buy the (previous mention) book.'
# English:' It is you and I who must buy the (previous mention) book.'
# NOTE the S(ubject)V(erb)O(ject) word order in that the grammatical subject
# is to the left of VP. This is a MARKED structure, which requires an
# emphatic form of the first person singular. However the form 'aho''I' is an
# non-emphatic form and the sequence is irretrievably ungrammatical.


# B. Correlation Absence of Emphasis/UNMARKED Structure & Empty Subject.

# Absence of Emphasis/UNMARKED Structure and Empty/Zero form of Subject Pronoun.

# In an UNMARKED structure involving Coordination particles such as ka 'and.as.a.result'
# for instance, if the grammatical subject of the conjoined S refers to the
# referent of the grammatical subject of the matrix S, then the Zero form of
# the subject pronoun is mandatory.

# Illustrative example from Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy.

      Nisotro taoka i Paoly ka mamo.
#(9)a.N-isotro   taoka i Paoly ka              mamo   --- .
#     past-drink booke   Paul  and.as.a.result drunk empty
#     'Paul drank (some) booze and , as a result, is drunk.'

# where --- represents an empty subject position inside the conjoined clause
# involving CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ka 'and.as.a.result'.

# Ungrammatical:
      Nisotro taoka i Paoly ka mamo izy.   (0! 0 0 0)
# b.  N-isotro   taoka i Paoly ka        mamo  izy.
#     past-drink book    Paul  and.as.a.result drunk s/he
#    'Paul drank (some) booze and , as a result, is drunk.'

# These last two examples are adapted from Randriamasimanana (1986: 345), 
# examples 9 (a) & 9 (b). In (9)a., the antecedent 'i Paoly''Paul' is
# a grammatical subject within the first clause while the empty position
# represented thus --- is also a grammatical subject. This suggests that
# when the antecedent and the co-referential element of the conjoined
# clause are both grammatical subjects, we have an UNMARKED structure and
# the relevant form of the co-referential pronoun MUST be a Zero-Pronoun.
# To posit a non-empty form of the pronoun in such an UNMARKED structure
# will render the sequence irretrievably ungrammatical, as shown
# in (9)b above.


# Illustrative example from a Malagasy literature school textbook:

  Harinety. Jeannette Raveloarihelintsoa no tena anarany;  
# Harinety. Jeannette Raveloarihelintsoa no    tena anara(na)-ny;    
# Harinety. Jeannette Raveloariherintsoa focus real name-of.his/hers;

# where 'Jeannette Raveloariherintsoa' is a grammatical subject.
# 'Harinety. Jeannette Raveloariherintsoa was her real name;'

  teraka tamin'ny 27 juin 1913 tao Antananarivo.
# teraka t-amin' ny  27 juin 1913 t-ao       Antananarivo  ----
# born   past-at the 27 June 1913 past-there Antananarivo  empty

# where --- represents an empty subject position.
# English:' --- was born on June 27, 1913 in Antananarivo'

  Nanambady tamin'ny 1938. 
# N-anambady t-amin' ny  1938 --- . 
# past-marry past-at the 1938 empty

# where --- represents an empty subject position.
# English:' --- married in 1938.'

  Nivezivezy eran'ny Nosy.
# N-ivezivezy            eran'         ny  Nosy --- .
# past-go.here.and.there throughout-of the Island

# where --- represents an empty subject position.
# English:' --- went all over the Island.'

# The last four utterances have been adapted from S. Rajaona. 1969. Takelaka 
# Notsongaina ('Selected texts'). Ambozontany, Fianarantsoa, Madagascar. Page 13. 
# In this example, we have a mere juxtaposition of four sequences; the last 
# three of which comprise an empty subject position referring back to a 
# grammatical subject. i.e. 'Jeannette Raveloariherintsoa' inside the 
# first clause. We have an UNMARKED structure here where both the antecedent
# and the target pronoun form are grammatical subjects.


# Emphasis and independent form of Subject Pronoun.

  Izy no nivezivezy eran'ny Nosy.
# Izy no     n-ivezivezy            eran'         ny  Nosy --- .
# S/he focus past-go.here.and.there throughout-of the Island
# 'It was s/he who went all over the Island.'

  Izy kosa nivezivezy eran'ny Nosy.
# Izy kosa    n-ivezivezy            eran'         ny  Nosy --- .
# S/he as.for past-go.here.and.there throughout-of the Island
# 'As for him/her, S/HE went all over the Island.'

# In both of the above sequences, we have a MARKED structure in which
# the pronoun izy 's/he' shows up. Indeed the subject appears to the
# left of VP giving the marked word order SV instead of the unmarked
# word order VS.


# Violations of Correlation Absence of Emphasis/UNMARKED structure & Empty Subject.

# Ungrammatical:
         Nitady an'i Paoly i Jeanne fa tsy nahita azy izy.(0! 0 0 0)
#        N-itady       an'  i    Paoly i    Jeanne fa  tsy n-ahita  azy     izy.
#        past-look.for acc. D.sg Paul  D.sg Jeanne but not past-see him/her s/he
# 'Jeanne was looking for Paul but did not see him.' 

# where the overt subject form of pronoun 'izy's/he' inside the conjoined
# clause refers to another grammatical subject, i.e. 'i Jeanne''Jeanne'
# inside the matrix clause. We have an UNMARKED structure here where both the 
# antecedent and the target form are grammatical subjects. Contrary to expectations, 
# the overt nominative pronoun form izy shows up in an UNMARKED structure.

# Grammatical:
         Nitady an'i Paoly i Jeanne fa tsy nahita azy.
#        N-itady       an'  i    Paoly i    Jeanne fa  tsy n-ahita  azy     --- .
#        past-look.for acc. D.sg Paul  D.sg Jeanne but not past-see him/her empty
# 'Jeanne was looking for Paul but did not see him.'


# UNMARKED Structure involving CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle ary.

# Ungrammatical:
        Nanomboka  nitondra ilay fiara Rabe ary nisotro toaka izy. (0! 0 0 0)
#       N-anomboka n-itondra  ilay fiara Rabe ary      n-isotro   toaka izy 
#       past-begin past-drive DX.sg car  Rabe and.then past-drink booze s/he 
#       ‘Rabe began to drive the (previous mention) car and then drank booze’  


# Grammatical:
        Nanomboka  nitondra ilay fiara Rabe ary avy teo nisotro toaka.
#       N-anomboka n-itondra  ilay fiara Rabe ary      avy   teo   n-isotro   toaka. 
#       past-begin past-drive the  car   Rabe and.then after there past-drink booze  --- 
#       ‘Rabe began to drive the car ... and after that he drank booze.’
# Note that the parenthetical 'avy teo', i.e. literally 'once that has been done'
# is obligatory immediately after the  CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle ary 'and.then'. 



# Crucial Importance of Grammatical Relations in Coordination.

# The example analyzed in this subsection will show that grammatical
# relations are crucial to coordination in Malagasy. It will illustrate in detail 
# why the sentence below is irretrievably ungrammatical. Presumably several 
# factors are jointly responsible for this situation as will be seen here and 
# two different points will need to be made. However there is little doubt 
# that grammatical relations play a predominant role in the process.

# Ungrammatical:
        Natoroko ka naka ilay boky i Paoly. (0! 0 0 0)
#       N-a-toroko-ko          ka     n-aka       ilay boky i Paoly.
#       past-a.pass-toro-by.me and.so past-take the book D.sg Paul
#       ‘Paul was pointed out by me and took the (previous mention) book.’ 

# Ungrammatical:
        Natoroko  i Paoly ka naka ilay boky. (0! 0 0 0)
#       N-a-toroko-ko           i    Paoly ka     n-aka       ilay boky.
#       past-a.pass-toro-by.me  D.sg Paul  and.so past-take the book
#       ‘Paul was pointed out by me and took the (previous mention) book.’
# Even if the KA structure shows up to the right of the grammatical
# subject, the sequence remains ungrammatical.


# Point # 1: CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ka 'and.as.a.result' is a typical
# CP-Adjunct Particle. We expect the KA-structure to show up to the immediate
# right of the grammatical subject in the sequence above.

# The putative source for the above sentence would be something like

# Ungrammatical:
  Nanoro (an) ilay boky an'i Paoly aho ka naka. (0! 0 0 0)
# N-an-(t)oro       an'  ilay boky   an'  i    Paoly aho   ka      n-aka ...
# past-an-root.toro acc. the  place  acc. D.sg Paul  I     and.so  past-aka
# 'I indicated the book to Paul and (I) took...'
# where ... represents some material; what is crucial here is the relative
# position of the CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ka immediately to the
# right of the grammatical subject aho 'I'.

# This specific point would not be relevant if the coordination particle in
# question was SIMULTANEOUS particle sy 'and.also'. One other relevant example
# related to the point being made here relative to the distribution of ka:


# Ungrammatical:
  Notsaboin'i Paoly nify ka nitomany i Jeanne. (0! 0 0 0)
# No-tsabo-in(a)     i    Paoly nify  ka     n-itomany i Jeanne
# Pass.past-treat-by D.sg Paul  tooth and.so past-cry    Jeanne
# 'Jeanne had her teetch treated by that doctor and cried.'
# where the CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ka structure 'ka nitomany' 
# shows up to the left of the grammatical subject 'i Jeanne'.

  Notsaboin'i Paoly nify i Jeanne ka nitomany. 
# No-tsabo-in(a)     i    Paoly nify  i    Jeanne ka     n-itomany ---
# Pass.past-treat-by D.sg Paul  tooth D.sg Jeanne and.so past-cry  empty
# 'Soa had her teetch treated by that doctor and cried.'
# where the CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ka structure 'ka nitomany'
# shows up to the immediate right of the grammatical subject 'i Jeanne'.


# Point # 2:
# Relevance of Grammatical Relations & Ungrammatical output of conjoining:

# EVENT.1 = S.1 = natoroko an'i Paoly ilay boky, where 'ilay boky' = grammatical subject

# Natoroko an'i Paoly ilay toerana
# N-a-toro-ko               an'i Paoly     ilay boky
# past-A.passive-toro-by.me acc. D.sg Paul the book
# Vpassive                  I.O.           subject
# 'The (previous mention) book was indicated by me to Paul.'


# EVENT.2 = S.2 = naka ilay boky aho, where 'ilay boky' = direct object

# Naka ilay boky aho
# N-aka     ilay boky aho
# past-take the  book  I
# Vactive   D.O.      Subject
# 'I took the (previous mention) boky.'

# The ungrammaticality of the sequence 'Natoroko ka naka ilay boky i Paoly' 
# derives primarily from the attempt at coordinating an NP 'ilay boky', a 
# grammatical subject in S.1 with which an NP 'ilay boky', a direct object 
# in S.2 is co-referential. This goes agaisnt the intuition behind Malagasy 
# conjoining, which primarily involves an S.1 & an S.2 sharing the same 
# initial subject.



# C. Empty Subject forms. Distinction between Anaphoric Subject & Pronominal Subject.

# NATURE OF ANTECEDENT:

# In Malagasy, we have two different shapes for an Empty Subject form in an UNMARKED structure: 
# Either a Zero Anaphor or a Zero Pronoun.

# We have an obligatory Zero Anaphor when both antecedent & 3rd person pronoun are Subjects 
# &  the 3rd pers pronoun is typically to the LEFT of the antecedent subject, i.e. within the 
# domain of InflP. For a characterization of InflP, consult Malagasy Coordination Part Two, 
# Section 2.A as well as Section 2.B below.

# A Zero Pronoun is obligatory when both antecedent & 3rd person pronoun are Subjects 
# & the 3rd pers pronoun is typically to the RIGHT of the antecedent subject, i.e. within 
# the domain of CP. For a characterization of CP, consult Malagasy Coordination Part Two, 
# Section 2.A as well as Section 2.C below.

# Consult Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy. Pp 346-349, Section 1.2.1.
# In particular examples 40 a & b, 43 a & b., where the notion of Zero-Pronoun was used. Here
# we wish to subdivide this notion into two subparts, i.e. an Anaphoric Empty Subject, relevant
# when we have a typical case of InflP-Adjunction and a Pronominal Empty Subject, relevant when
# we have a typical case of CP-Adjunction.
 

# Domain of CP & Empty Pronominal Subject.

       Nisotro taoka i Paoly ka mamo.
#(9)a. N-isotro   taoka i Paoly ka        mamo   --- .
#      past-drink booke   Paul  therefore drunk empty subject
#      'Paul drank (some) booze and , as a result, is drunk.'

# Ungrammatical:
       Nisotro taoka i Paoly ka mamo izy.   (0! 0 0 0)
#  b.  N-isotro   taoka i Paoly ka        mamo  izy.
#      past-drink book    Paul  therefore drunk s/he
#      'Paul drank (some) booze and , as a result, is drunk.'

# The last two examples are adapted from Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy. 
# P 345 examples 9 (a) & 9 (b).

# A Zero Pronoun is obligatory in (9)a since both the antecedent & the 3rd person pronoun are 
# Subjects & the 3rd pers pronoun is to the RIGHT of the antecedent subject 'i Paoly', i.e. 
# within the domain of CP.


# Domain of InflP & Empty Anaphor Subject.

      Nandeha nianatra i Paoly.
#(3)a.N-andeha n-ianatra  ---          i Paoly.
#     past-go  past-study empty subject  Paul
#     'Paul went to study.'

Ungrammatical:     
      Nandeha nianatra izy i Paoly.  (0! 0 0 0)
#  b. N-andeha n-ianatra  izy  i Paoly.
#     past-go  past-study s/he   Paul
#     'Paul went to study.'

# The last two examples are adapted from Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy. 
# P 343 examples 3 (a) & 3 (b).

# We have an obligatory Zero Anaphor in (3)a. since both the antecedent & the 3rd person pronoun 
# are Subjects & the 3rd pers pronoun is to the LEFT of the antecedent subject 'i Paoly', i.e. 
# within the domain of InflP.

# As will be seen in detail in Part Two, the empty anaphor/pronoun accompanying the conjoined VP 
# can typically ONLY refer to the same referent as that of the grammatical subject of the matrix 
# VP whether there is no coordination particle at all --in cases involving mere juxtaposition, 
# as is the case above-- or whether SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle sy 'and.also' or CONSECUTIVE 
# coordination particle ary 'and.subsequently' is involved. One consequence is that sequences of 
# the following type are ungrammatical:

# Irretrievably ungrammatical sequence involving sy 'and.also':
         Henon-dRakoto sy nojeren-dRabary ny mpihira.   (0! 0 0 0)
#       [Henon-dRakoto] sy  [nojeren-      dRabary] ny mpihira
#        [heard-Rakoto]  and [Pst-AccP.watch-Rabary] Det singer
#        “The singer, Rakoto heard (him) and Rabary watched (him)”
# The ungrammaticality of this sequence is partly due to the fact that S.1 has one initial grammatical
# subject, i.e. Rakoto and that S.2 has a different one,i.e. Rabary. This violates the same-subject 
# constraint accompanying conjoining with particle sy 'and.also'. In addition, VP.1 is in the passive 
# present tense whereas VP.2 is in the passive past tense; coordinate particle sy 'and.also' requires 
# that VP.1 and VP.2 have the same tense-marker.

# Ungrammatical sequence involving ary 'and.then':
         Hitan'i Paoly ny  alika mainty ary Rabe ny  alika volontany.  (0! 0 0 0)
#        Hitan'  i    Paoly ny  alika mainty ary      Rabe ny  alika volontany.
#        seen.by D.sg Paul  Det dog   black  and.then Rabe Det dog   brown
#        “Paul saw the black dog and Rabe saw the brown one.” 
# The ungrammaticality of this sequence is due to the fact that the VP 'hita' has not be repeated
# in front of Rabe, thus suggesting a Marked structure is a possibility, as shown immediately below.

# Grammatical:
         Hitan'i Paoly ny  alika mainty ary hitan-dRabe kosa ny  alika volontany. 
#        Hitan'  i    Paoly ny  alika mainty ary      hitan-dRabe       kosa        ny  alika volontany.
#        seen.by D.sg Paul  Det dog   black  and.then seen.by-ep.d.Rabe by.contrast Det dog   brown
#        “Paul saw the black dog and as for Rabe, he saw the brown one.”
# Note that this time the VP hita is repeated after the CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ary along with
# the obligatory use of the contrastive particle kosa 'by.way.of.contrast'.

 

# SIMULTANEOUS Coordination Particle sy 'and.also' & Different Subjects for VP.1 & VP.2.

# Apparenty the combination VP.1 with one initial subject & VP.2 with a different initial 
# subject is not a felicitous SIMULTANEOUS Coordination conjunct involving sy in sequences 
# like the one below.

# Irretrievably Ungrammatical:
  Nividianako sy namaky ilay boky i Jeanne. (0! 0 0 0)
# N-ividiana-ko                  sy       n-amaky   ilay boky i    Jeanne
# past-passive2.bought.for-by.me and.also past-read the  book D.sg Jeanne
# 'Was bought for by me and.also was.reading the book Jeanne'
# Intended reading:‘Jeanne [[was bought+for by me and read] that book]’
# My translation:'Jeanne was being bought for by me the book and at the same time 
# she was reading it.'
# S.1 and S.2 is supposed to share the NP ilay boky 'the (previous mention) book'. 
# However note that in S.1 ilay boky remains a Direct Object and in S.2 it is also 
# a Direct Object. See relevant details immediately below. In other words, instead 
# of just sharing the same grammatical subject, as required by the particle sy 'and.also', 
# the conjoined structures above also share the same Direct Object, which is totally
# unexpected.

# EVENT.1 = S.1 = nividy ilay boky ho an'i Jeanne aho

# Nividy ilay boky ho an'i Jeanne aho
# N-ividy  ilay boky     ho  an'i Jeanne         aho
# past-buy the  book     for acc D.sg J          I
# V        Direct.Object Indirect.Object subject
# 'I was buying the (previous mention) book for Jeanne.'
# Note that the initial subject for S.1 is the nominative pronoun aho 'I'.
# This means that the subject for S.1 is different for the one for S.2, as shown
# below.

# Approximative passive equivalent S.1' = nividianako boky i Jeanne

# Nividianako boky i Jeanne
# N-ividiana-ko            boky    i    Jeanne
# past-be.bought.for-by.me book(s) D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was bought.for a/books by me.'
# 'I was buying a/book(s) for Jeanne.'
# Note that here i Jeanne 'nominative.Jeanne' is a derived subject and certainly NOT
# the initial subject.

# EVENT.2 = S.2 = namaky ilay boky i Jeanne

# Namaky ilay boky i Jeanne
# N-amaky   ilay boky      i    Jeanne
# past-read the  book      D.sg Jeanne
# V         Direct.Object Subject
# 'Jeanne was reading the (previous mention) book.'
# Note that the grammatical subject for S.2 is the nominative 'i Jeanne'. This means
# that the subject for S.2 is different for the one for S.1, as illustrated above.


# D. Non-empty, i.e. Non-Zero/Overt Subject pronoun form.

# (i) The antecedent of the subject pronoun is NOT a Subject.

# Case A: The antecedent is a Genitive & a Non-Zero/Overt Subject pronoun form must be used.

# Illustrative example from Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy. Pp 359-365, 
# Section 1.2.3.4, in particular ex 67 a & b. 

# Ungrammatical:
        Nanitsaka ny rambon'ny alika i P raha handeha hanome vary.  (0! 0 0 0)
# (67)a.N-anitsaka ny  rambon' ny  alika i    P raha h-andeha h-anome vary   ---   --- .
#       past-tread Det tail-of Det dog   D.sg P when fut-go   fut-give rice object subject
#       'Paul tread upon the tail of the dog when --- will go will give rice ---.'

# where first --- represents an empty object and where the second --- represents an empty subject
# inside the conjoined clause & where the genitive 'ny alika' 'the dog' of 'ny rambon'ny alika'
# 'the tail of the dog' inside the matrix clause is the putative antecedent for the empty object 
# position.

# Grammatical:
        Nanitsaka ny rambon'ny alika i P raha handeha hanome vary azy.
# b.    N-anitsaka ny  rambon' ny  alika i    P raha h-andeha hanome   vary azy     --- .
#       past-tread Det tail-of Det dog   D.sg P when fut-go   fut-give rice object subject
#       'Paul tread upon the tail of the dog when --- will go will give rice to him.'

# where 'azy''him' represents an object pronoun inside the conjoined clause & where the genitive 
# 'ny alika' 'the dog' of 'ny rambon'ny alika''the tail of the dog' inside the matrix clause is 
# the antecedent of the object pronoun 'azy''accusative.him'.


# Malagasy illustrative data available on-line:

  Ny teny fampiasa eto amin'ny tanin'ny Repoblika
# Ny  teny     f-amp-iasa                eto  amin'ny  tanin'  ny  Repoblika 
# Det language habitual.aspect.f-amp-use here on   Det soil-of Det Republic 
# 'The language which is habitually used on the territory of the Republic

  no nolazainy, izany hoe ny teny ofisialy, ka hoy izy ao
# no    no-laza-i(na)-ny,            izany hoe ny  teny     ofisialy, ka        hoy  izy ao
# focus pass.past-stated-by.him/her, that is   Det language official  therefore said he  there
# 'was stated by him, that is the official language, and therefore he said in'

  amin'ny andininy 2 : " ny malagasy sy frantsay no ...
# amin'ny  andininy 2 : " ny  malagasy sy       frantsay no ...
# in   Det section 2 : "  Det Malagasy and.also French   focus
# 'the section 2:" It is Malagasy and French ...'

# The above example has been adapted from www.simicro.mg/hcc/hcc/D20300.html
# The relevant antecedent for the pronoun form 'izy' in the conjoined clause 
# 'ka hoy izy' is the genitive  case -ny 'by.him' of 'nolazainy''was stated by him'
# inside the matrix clause. Since the antecedent is NOT a subject, the  overt subject 
# form 'izy''s/he' must be used in 'hoy izy''said he'.



# Case B: The antecedent is an Oblique & a Non-Zero/Overt Subject pronoun form must be used.

# The following illustrative example from Randriamasimanana. 1986. The Causatives of Malagasy. 
# Pp 359-365, Section 1.2.3.4. in particular ex 64 a & b. shows that when the antecedent is
# an Oblique, the co-referential subject pronoun inside the conjoined S is an overt pronoun.
# It canNOT be a Zero form of pronoun.

# Ungrammatical:
        Niafina tamin'ny alika i P fa tsy nanome sakafo.   (0! 0 0 0)
#(64)a. N-iafina  tamin'ny alika i P fa tsy  n-anome sakafo ---.
#       past-hide from  Det dog    P but not past-give food empty.pronoun
#       'P hid from the dog but did not give him food.'

# where an empty pronoun represented thus --- inside the conjoined clause refers to an oblique 
# antecedent 'tamin'ny alika''from the dog' inside the matrix clause.

# Grammatical:
        Niafina tamin'ny alika i P fa tsy nanome sakafo azy.
# b.    N-iafina tamin'ny alika i P fa tsy n-anome sakafo azy.
#       past-hide from  Det dog   P but not past-give food full.pronoun
#      'P hid from the dog but did not give him food.'

# where the pronoun 'azy''him' inside the conjoined clause refers to the oblique antecedent 
# 'tamin'ny alika''from the dog' inside the matrix clause.


# The following Malagasy illustrative data available on-line confirms the above intuition:

  Nanomboka teo dia nandalo tany aminy foana aho isa-maraina...
# N-anomboka t-eo       dia  n-andalo   t-any      ami(na)-ny      foana aho isa-maraina...
# past-begin past-there part past-go.by past-there Oblique.him/her always I  every.day
# 'Began then it was went.by his house I always everyday ...'
# English:'From then on I always paid him a visit every day ...'
# The relevant antecedent is 'tany aminy''at his house', an Oblique inside the matrix clause.


  Tsy manam-bady sy tsy manan-janaka izy.
# Tsy m-ana(na)m-(v>)bady sy  tsy m-anan(a)-(z>)janaka izy.
# not pres-have-spouse    and not pres-have-child      s/he
# 'S/he does not have a spouse and does not have a child.'
# English:'S/he neither has a wife nor a child.'
# Because the antecedent inside the main clause is an Oblique, an overt subject pronoun form, 
# i.e. izy 's/he' MUST be used inside this juxtaposed clause.

# This last illustrative example has been adapted from http://booboo.blaogy.com/post/121/575.
# If on the other hand a Zero form of the subject pronoun was used, the sequence would be
# irretrievably ungrammatical as shown immediately below.

# Ungrammatical:
  Tsy manam-bady sy tsy manan-janaka.  (0! 0 0 0)
# Tsy m-ana(na)m-(v>)bady sy  tsy m-anan(a)-(z>)janaka.
# not pres-have-spouse    and not pres-have-child
# '--- does not have a spouse and does not have a child.'
# English:' --- neither has a wife nor a child.'
# If the subject pronoun was left out of the conjoined structure, the sequence becomes
# irretrievably ungrammatical. The only possible interpretation would then be that the
# subject of VP 'nandalo''went.by', i.e. aho 'nominative.I' would NECESSARILY have to be
# the subject of 'Tsy manam-bady sy tsy manan-janaka'!



# E. Markedness, AGR and overt pronoun form of a grammatical subject.

# First, note that a topic is different from a grammatical subject, as shown in the following
# sequence:
   Ny boky no nividy i Paoly.
#  Ny    boky    no    n-ividy  i    Paoly.
#  Topic book(s) focus past-buy D.sg Paul
#  'As for books, Paul bought some.'

# where 'boky' is a topic, i.e. in this case a direct object of the active voice verb 
# 'nividy''bought' and where 'i Paoly' is a grammatical subject. Note that the subject
# occupies a clause final position, whereas the topic shows up to the left of VP.


# Second, in what follows, we will be dealing with grammatical subjects.  When a DX type deictic 
# encoding the grammatical feature singular/plural is present inside the clause the presence 
# of such a deictic renders the presence of a grammatical subject obligatory. Such a deictic 
# typically surrounds the relevant VP.

        Ireo mamangy an'i Jeanne ireo ny zanany.
#       Ireo    m-amangy   an'  i    Jeanne ireo    ny  zana(ka)-ny.
#       DX.plur pres-visit acc. D.sg Jeanne DX.plur Det child(ren)-of-.his/hers
#       'Her children are visiting Jeanne, as we can see for ourselves.'

        Ireo mamangy an'i Jeanne ireo ry zareo.
#       Ireo    m-amangy   an'  i    Jeanne ireo    ry     zareo.
#       DX.plur pres-visit acc. D.sg Jeanne DX.plur D.plur they
#       'They are visiting Jeanne, as we can see for ourselves.'
        
#       Ungrammatical:
        Ireo mamangy an'i Jeanne ireo --- .  (0! 0 0 0)
#       Ireo    m-amangy   an'  i    Jeanne ireo    --- .
#       DX.plur pres-visit acc. D.sg Jeanne DX.plur ---
#       ' --- are visiting Jeanne, as we can see for ourselves.'
# where we have a plural Deictic DX 'ireo ... ireo' surrounding the VP and where
# --- represents an empty subject position.


# The above data is based on Randriamasimanana (2002: 52-54, examples 20, 21, 22):

   Ireo miady ireo ny zanakao.
#  Ireo m-iady     ireo ny  zanak(a)-(n)ao.
#  AGR  pres-fight AGR  the children-of.yours
#  Plural verb Plural
#  'Voila vos enfants qui se battent.' (Abinal & Malzac 1888:282)
#  From French to English:'your children are there , fighting.'
#  Literally:'your children are fighting --as we can see for ourselves.'

#  Ungrammatical:
   Ireo miady ireo.  (0! 0 0 0)
#  Ireo m-iady     ireo --- .
#  AGR  pres-fight AGR  ---
#  Plural verb Plural
#  'Voila --- qui se battent.' 
#  From French to English:' --- are there , fighting.'
#  Literally:' ---  are fighting --as we can see for ourselves.'

   Io tamy io ny zanako.
#  Io       tamy   io       ny  zanak(a)-(k)o.
#  AGR      coming AGR      the child-of.mine
#  Singular verb   singular 
#  'Voici mon enfant qui vient.' (Abinal & Malzac 1888:281)
#  English:'Here is my child coming.'
#  Literally:'My child is coming --as you can see for yourself.'

#  Ungrammatical:
   Io tamy io.   (0! 0 0 0)
#  Io       tamy   io       --- .
#  AGR      coming AGR      ---
#  Singular verb   singular 
#  'Voici ---  qui vient.' 
#  English:'Here is --- coming.'
#  Literally:' --- is coming --as you can see for yourself.'



# Subsection 2: Markedness & Plurality.

# 3rd person pronoun & Plurality.

# (i) Bare/simple pronoun form = singular 

  Lasa izy.
# gone s/he
# 'S/he is gone.'

# Ungrammatical:
  Lasa izy.  (0! 0 0 0)
# gone s/he
# 'They are gone.'
# The simple form of the personal pronoun canNOT possibly refer
# to a plural.


# (ii) Complex pronoun form = plural

  Lasa izy ireo.
# Lasa s/he DX.plural
# gone they
# 'They are gone.'

# Ungrammatical:
  Lasa izy ireo. (0! 0 0 0)
# gone s/he D.plural
# 'S/he is gone.'
# The complex form of the personal pronoun canNOT possibly refer
# to a singular.

  Izaho sy izy roalahy
# Izaho         sy       izy  roalahy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he two.male
# 'I and s/he two.boys'
# English:'The two boys and I'
# NOTE: Equative clause 'roalahy izy' with subject izy fronted

# Non-equative clause:
  Roalahy izy ireo.
# Roalahy = izy // ireo .
# two.male = s/he // [ DX.plural ]
# 'Those were two males.' 
# where // structure adjoined to singular subject pronoun 'izy''s/he'

# Ungrammatical:
        Nahita ny ankizy izy.  (0! 0 0 0)
# 1.    N-a-hita    ny  ankizy   izy
#       PST-ACT-see DET children 3.NOM
#       ‘They saw the children’
# where the simple pronoun form 'izy' is translated as 'they'.

# Ungrammatical:
         Nahita azy ny ankizy.  (0! 0 0 0)
# 2.a.   Nahita      azy   ny  ankizy
#        PST-ACT-see 3.ACC DET children
#        ‘The children saw them’
# where the simple pronoun form 'azy' is translated as 'them'. 



# a. Plural NP with a nominal adjunct:
  Izy  roalahy
# s/he two.male
# 'They (, who are) two males'

  Izaho sy izy roalahy
# Izaho         sy       izy  roalahy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he two.male
# 'I and they two.male'
# English:'I and the two boys'

# Ungrammatical:
  Izaho sy izy  (0! 0 0 0)
# Izaho         sy       izy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he
# 'I and s/he'
# English:'I and s/he', where the pronoun izy is not used deictically &
# is typically accompanied by an appropriate gesture.


# b. Plural NP with a VP adjunct:

  Izy mivady
# Izy  m-ivady
# they pres-be.spouses 
# 'They, who are spouses'
# English:'The husband and wife.'

  Izaho sy izy mivady
# Izaho         sy       izy  m-ivady
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he pres-be.spouses 
# 'I and they, who are spouses'
# English:'I as well as the husband and wife.'

# Ungrammatical:
  Izaho sy izy   (0! 0 0 0)
# Izaho         sy       izy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he 
# 'I and s/he'
# English:'s/he and I', especially when the pronoun is not used
# as a deictic accompanied by a pointing gesture.


# Violations of Markedness/Emphasis & Plurality constraints: 

# Ungrammatical:
  Hitan’izy sy ny zaza tany antokotany i Jeanne.   (0! 0 0 0)
# Hitan’         [izy      sy  ny  zaza]  t  -any    an -tokotany  i   Jeanne  
# root.hita-by    3rd.p.sg and DET child  PST-there  Obl-courtyard DET Jeanne         
# ‘She/He/They and the child saw Jeanne in the courtyard’ 

# The conjoining of singular pronoun izy in 'izy sy ny zaza' poses a problem:
# The definite phrase 'ny zaza' refers to ALL the members of a generic set designated
# as 'zaza''children' and the assumption here is that there exist several such
# members inside the set. On the other hand, the singular form izy 's/he' can only 
# designate one single, therefore specific entity, i.e. the set being referred to 
# here only comprises ONE specific member. The ungrammaticality arises from the
# conjoining of ONE specific member of a first set with ALL the members of a generic
# set! 

# Now if instead of the generic set 'zaza', we have 'izy sy ny zanany' 's/he and 
# his/her child(ren), we obtain a conjunction of two non-generic sets, the first 
# represented by 'izy' and the second represented by 'zanany''his/her chid(ren)'. 


# Subsection 3: Person Hierarchy 1st p > 2nd p > 3rd p

# 1st pers > 2nd pers

  Izaho sy ianao
# Izaho         sy       ianao
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg
# 'Emphatic I and you'
# English:' You and I'
# NOTE: Here MARKED = emphatic.
# Emphatic nominative izaho '1st person sing' vs non-emphatic nominative aho 
# '1st person sing'.

# Ungrammatical:
  Aho sy ianao   (0! 0 0 0)
# Aho               sy       ianao
# Non-emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg
# 'Non-emphatic I and you'
# English:' You and I'
# NOTE: aho = non-emphatic I vs izaho = emphatic I.


# Ungrammatical:
  Ianao    sy       izaho   (0! 0 0 0)
# 2nd.p.sg and.also emph.1st.p.sg
# 'You and I'
# The second person singular precedes the first person singular.


# 1st pers > 3rd pers

  Izaho sy izy roalahy
# Izaho         sy       izy  roalahy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he two.male
# 'I and s/he two.boys'
# English:'The two boys and I'
# NOTE: Equative clause 'roalahy izy' with the subject izy fronted.

# Ungrammatical:
  Izaho sy izy   (0! 0 0 0)
# Izaho         sy       izy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also s/he 
# 'I and s/he'
# English:'s/he and I'
# NOTE: Here MARKEDness requires an adjunct structure to 'izy',
# which is missing.

# Ungrammatical:
  Izy roalahy sy izaho  (0! 0 0 0)
# Izy  roalahy  sy       izaho
# S/he two.male and.also emph.1st.p.sg
# 'S/he two.boys and I'
# English:'The two boys and I'
# In addition to a missing adjunct structure, a third person
# precedes a first person.


# 2nd pers > 3rd pers

  Ianao sy izy roalahy
# Ianao    sy       izy  roalahy
# 2nd.p.sg and.also s/he two.male
# 'You and s/he two.boys'
# English:'You and the two boys'.

# Ungrammatical:
  Ianao sy izy   (0! 0 0 0)
# Ianao    sy       izy
# 2nd.p.sg and.also s/he
# 'You and s/he'
# English:'You and s/he'.
# NOTE: MARKEDness requires an adjunct to the pronoun izy.

# Ungrammatical:
  Izy roalahy sy ianao   (0! 0 0 0)
# Izy  roalahy  sy       ianao
# S/he two.male and.also 2nd.p.sg
# 'S/he two boys and.also you'
# In addition to the lack of the required adjunct, a third
# person precedes a second person.


# 1st pers > 2nd pers > 3rd pers

  Izaho sy ianao ary izy roalahy
# Izaho        sy       ianao ary izy  roalahy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg  s/he two.male
# 'I and.also you and.then s/he two boys'
# English:' You and I as well as the two boys'

# Ungrammatical:
  Izaho sy ianao ary izy   (0! 0 0 0)
# Izaho        sy       ianao ary izy
# Emph.1st.p.sg and.also 2nd.p.sg  s/he
# 'I and.also you and.then s/he'
# English:' You and I as well as s/he'
# NOTE: MARKEDness requires an adjunct to the pronoun izy.


# Ungrammatical:
  Izy roalahy sy ianao ary izaho   (0! 0 0 0)
# Izy  roalahy  sy       ianao    ary      izaho
# S/he two.male and.also 2nd.p.sg and.then 1st.p.sg 
# 'The two boys and you and I'
# In addition to the missing adjunct, a third person
# precedes a second person and a second person precedes
# a first person.


# Relative order sy > ary

  I Jeanne sy i Paoly ary i Koto
# I    Jeanne sy       i    Paoly ary      i    Koto
# D.sg Jeanne and.also D.sg Paul  and.then D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne and.also Paul and.then Koto'
# English:' Jeanne and Paul as well as Koto'

# Ungrammatical:
  I Jeanne ary i Paoly sy i Koto   (0! 0 0 0)
# I    Jeanne ary      i    Paoly sy       i    Koto
# D.sg Jeanne and.then D.sg Paul  and.also D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne and.also Paul and.then Koto'
# English:' Jeanne as well as Paul and.also Koto'
# This sequence is ungrammatical because the coordinate
# particle sy 'and.also' follows the particle ary inside
# the conjunct structure.



# Typical Relative Order InflP-Adjunct sy > CP-Adjunct ary

  Nirefotra sy niparitaka ilay barika be ary nirehitra avy eo.
# N-irefotra   sy       n-iparitaka ilay  barika be  ary      n-irehitra avy   eo
# past-explode and.also past-spread DX.sg barrel big and.then past-burn  after.that
# 'The (previous mention) barrel exploded and spread and then burned up.'
# from http://taratramada.com/ Vaovao ny : 27/2/2006
# NOTE: sy & InflP-Adjunct, i.e. conjoined structure shows up to the left of subject 
# vs ary & CP-Adjunct, i.e. conjoined structure shows up to the right of subject.
# At any rate, the coordinate particle sy precedes the coordinate particle ary.


# Violation of Relative Order InflP-Adjunct sy > CP-Adjunct ary

# Ungrammatical:
        Misotro taoka   Rabe ary mihinam-bary Rabe.  (0! 0 0 0)
#       M-isotro    taoka   Rabe ary      m-ihinam-bary Rabe.
#       pres-drink  alcohol R    and.then pres-eat rice  R 
#       ‘Rabe is drinking alcohol and Rabe is eating rice.’
# A first conjunct introduced by particle sy 'and.also' is missing to the left of
# the second conjunct structure introduced by particle ary 'and.then'. In addition
# the second occurrence of an overt subject could only be for emphasis and as a
# result should show up in a Marked sequence, i.e. to the left of the VP mihinam-bary.
# Furthermore in a Marked structure, it is obligatory to have a contrastive particle 
# like 'kosa''by.contrast' accompany ary 'and.then'.


# Grammatical:
        Misotro taoka   sy  mihinam-bary Rabe 
#   b.	drink   alcohol and eat.rice    R 
#       ‘Rabe is drinking alcohol and eating rice.’ 
# A conjoined structure introduced by particle sy 'and.also' does not usually require
# the presence of a structure introduced by particle ary 'and.then'.



# Coordinating NPs showing that SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle sy precedes 
# CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ary:

  Fa Anao ny fanjakana sy ny hery ary ny voninahitra mandrakizay. ..
# Fa  Anao  ny  fanjakana sy       ny  hery  ary      ny  voninahitra mandrakizay. ..
# but Yours Det kingdom   and.also Det power and.then Det glory       forever
# Literally:'For yours is the kingdom and.also the power and.then the glory forever...'
# English:'For yours is the kingdom, the power and the glory forever ...'
# adapted from www.christusrex.org/www1/pater/JPN-malagasy.html


# Coordinating AdjPs showing that SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle sy precedes 
# CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ary:

  Vaovao mahaliana sy mahafinaritra ary mahasoa momban'ny sakafo ihany koa. ...
# Vaovao m-aha-liana        sy       m-aha-finaritra ary                 
# news   pres-caus-absorbed and.also pres-caus-happy and.then 

# m-aha-soa momban'   ny sakafo ihany koa. ...
# pres-caus-beneficial about-of Det food     also

# Literally:'News which arouses great interest and.also pleasing and.then beneficial 
# about food also ...'
# English:'News which arouses great interest, pleasing and beneficial also about food ...'
# adapted from serasera.org/forum/ - 11 Aug 2006


# Coordinating VPs showing that SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle sy precedes CONSECUTIVE 
# coordination particle ary:

  Mifamangy sy mifankahery ary mifanampy ny rehetra manoloana izany.
# M-if-amangy   sy       m-if-ank-a-hery            
# pres-if-visit and.also pres-if-caus-be.encouraged 

# ary      m-if-anampy  ny rehetra m-anoloana   izany.
# and.then pres-if-help Det all    pres-face.to DX.sg

# Literally:'All those who face that (situation) visit, encourage and help each other.'
# English:'All those who face such a situation visit, encourage and help each other.'
# adapted from www.haisoratra.org/article.php3?id_article=258
 

  Misaotra sy midera ary mankalaza an’Andriamanitra Ray lalandava isika.
# M-isaotra  sy       m-idera     
# pres-thank and.also pres-praise 

# ary      m-ank-a-laza an’  Andriamanitra Ray    lalandava isika.
# and.then pres-glorify acc. God           Father always    we.inclusive

# Literally:'We thank and.also pray and.then glorify God the Father always.'
# English:'We thank, pray and glorify God the Father always.'
# adapted from www.fpma-melun.org/



# Subsection 4: Specifier-Head relation in coordinate structures.

# As was shown to be the case earlier, there is a Specifier-Head type of agreement
# in Malagasy. This was illustrated with the following minimal pair of utterances:
        
  Ireo miady ireo ny zanakao.
# Ireo m-iady     ireo ny  zanak(a)-(n)ao.
# AGR  pres-fight AGR  the children-of.yours
# Plural verb Plural
# 'Voila vos enfants qui se battent.' (Abinal & Malzac 1888:282)
# From French to English:'your children are there , fighting.'
# Literally:'your children are fighting --as we can see for ourselves.'

  Io tamy io ny zanako.
# Io       tamy   io       ny  zanak(a)-(k)o.
# AGR      coming AGR      the child-of.mine
# Singular verb   singular 
# 'Voici mon enfant qui vient.' (Abinal & Malzac 1888:281)
# English:'Here is my child coming.'
# Literally:'My child is coming --as you can see for yourself.'

# In the first sequence, we have a DX.plural form ( ireo ...ireo) surrounding the VP
# and which imposes a plural interpretation on the grammatical subject 'ny zanakao'
# 'your children'. This contrasts with the second sequence, where we have a DX.singular
# form (io ... io) surrounding the VP and which imposes a singular interpretation on
# the grammatical subject 'ny zanako''my child'.


# Now with conjoined constructions involving verbs such as  miaraka'to go with', we
# also have something like agreement between the conjoined VPs and the subject.

# Assume that the first VP is the matrix verb represented as VP.1 and that VP.2 
# is the conjoined structure. Conjoined VP.1 & VP.2 require a subject referring 
# to an entire set which is NOT restricted to ONE member; D.plur ry designates 
# a set, but the set only comprises ONE member identified by the accompanying proper name.

# Ungrammatical:
  Niara-niasa ry Paoly.  (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul
# past.go.together  -past.work                Paul & associates
# 'Paul and associates went-worked together.'

# Ungrammatical:
  Miara-miasa ry Paoly.  (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul
# pres.go.together      -pres.work            Paul & associates
# 'Paul and associates go-work together.'

# Ungrammatical:
  Hiara-hiasa ry Paoly.  (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul
# fut.go.together      -fut.work            Paul & associates
# 'Paul and associates will.go-will.work together.'


# Sy 'and.also' & singular conjoined NPs.
# One strategy used in Malagasy to override the ONE member set restriction is
# to have conjoined NPs as subject. In this case, each conjoined NP designates one
# single member since D.sg i is singular.

  Niara-niasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      i    Paoly sy       i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  and.also D.sg Jeanne
# past.go.together  -past.work                     Paul  and           Jeanne  
# 'Paul and Jeanne went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      i    Paoly sy       i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  and.also D.sg Jeanne
# pres.go.together     -pres.work                  Paul  and           Jeanne
# 'Paul and Jeanne go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa    i    Paoly sy       i    Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  and.also D.sg Jeanne
# fut.go.together     -fut.work                  Paul  and           Jeanne
# 'Paul and Jeanne will.go-will.work together.'


# Sy 'and.also' & plural conjoined NPs.
# One strategy used in Malagasy to override the ONE member set restriction is
# to have conjoined NPs as subject. In this case, each conjoined NP designates one
# single member even though D.plur ry is a plural.

  Niara-niasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly sy       ry     Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul  and.also D.plur Jeanne
# past.go.together  -past.work                Paul & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly sy       ry     Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul  and.also D.plur Jeanne
# pres.go.together     -pres.work             Paul & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa      ry     Paoly sy       ry     Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.plur Paul  and.also D.plur Jeanne
# fut.go.together     -fut.work             Paul & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates will.go-will.work together.'


# Conjoined VP.1 & VP.2 require a plural Det designating an entire set of elements,
# as well as a plural deictic form which makes it quite explicit that the set in 
# question is definitely NOT restricted to ONE single member.

  Niara-niasa ry zareo.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     zareo.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur they
# past.go.together  -past.work                they all
# 'They all went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa ry zareo.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ry     zareo.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.plur they
# pres.go.together      -pres.work            they   all
# 'They all go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa ry zareo.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa    ry     zareo.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.plur they
# fut.go.together      -fut.work            they all
# 'They all will.go-will.work together.'

# Note the presence of the plural deictic form zareo in addition to the
# plural DX form ry.


# Coordination Particle mbamin(a) 'as.well.as' compatible with D.plural NP, 
# where NP is a proper name.

  Niara-niasa ry Paoly mbamin-dry Jeanne.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     P              mbamin-dry        J.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P & associates as.well.as-D.plur J & associates
# past-go.together  -past.work                P & associates as well as J & associates
# 'Paul & associates as well as Jeanne & associates went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa ry Paoly mbamin-dry Jeanne.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ry     P               mbamin-    dry    J.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P & associates  as.well.as-D.plur J & associates
# pres-go.together     -pres.work             P & associates as well as J & associates
# 'Paul & associates as well as Jeanne & associates go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa ry Paoly mbamin-dry Jeanne.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-  h-   i-     asa     ry     P               mbamin-    dry    J.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P & associates  as.well.as-D.plur J & associates
# fut-go.together     -fut.work             Paul & associates as well as Jeanne & associates
# 'Paul & associates as well as Jeanne & associates will.go-will.work together.'



# Coordination Particle mbamin(a) 'as.well.as' NOT compatible with D.singular NP, 
# where NP is a proper name. 

# Ungrammatical
  Niara-niasa i Paoly mbamin'i Jeanne.  (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      i    Paoly  mbamin'i        Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul   as.well.as-D.sg Jeanne
# past-go.together  -past.work                     Paul   as well as      Jeanne
# 'Paul as well as Jeanne went-worked together.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niara-niasa i Paoly mbamin'i Jeanne.  (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      i    Paoly  mbamin'i        Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul   as.well.as-D.sg Jeanne
# pres-go.together  -pres.work                     Paul   as well as      Jeanne
# 'Paul as well as Jeanne go-work together.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiara-hiasa i Paoly mbamin'i Jeanne.  (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa      i    Paoly  mbamin'i        Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul   as.well.as-D.sg Jeanne
# fut-go.together  -fut.work                     Paul   as well as      Jeanne
# 'Paul as well as Jeanne will.go-will.work together.'



# Coordination Particle aman(a) 'and.also' compatible with an adjoined bare NP, where 
# NP is not a proper name. Det ny designates ALL the members of an entire set.

  Niara-niasa ny vady aman-janak'i Paoly.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ny  vady   aman-janak'          i    Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-children-of D.sg Paul
# past.go.together  -past.work                the spouse & child(ren)-of Paul
# 'Paul and his wife & children went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa ny vady aman-janak'i Paoly.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ny  vady   aman-janak'          i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-children-of D.sg Paul
# pres.go.together      -pres.work            the spouse & child(ren)-of Paul
# 'Paul and his wife & children go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa ny vady aman-janak'i Paoly.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa     ny  vady   aman-janak'          i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka -fut-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-children-of D.sg Paul
# fut.go.together      -fut.work            the spouse & child(ren)-of Paul
# 'Paul and his wife & children will.go-will.work together.'



# Coordination Particle aman(a) 'and.also' NOT compatible with an adjoined 
# bare NP, where NP is a proper name.

# Ungrammatical:
  Niara-niasa ny vady amandRakoto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ny  vady   amandRakoto.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-Rakoto
# past.go.together  -past.work                the spouse and Rakoto
# 'Rakoto and his wife went-worked together.'


# Ungrammatical:
  Miara-miasa ny vady amandRakoto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ny  vady   amandRakoto.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-Rakoto
# pres.go.together      -pres.work            the spouse and Rakoto
# 'Rakoto and his wife go-work together.'


# Ungrammatical:
  Hiara-hiasa ny vady amandRakoto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-     asa     ny  vady   amandRakoto.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka -fut-pref.i-root.asa Det spouse and.also-Rakoto
# fut.go.together      -fut.work            the spouse  and Rakoto
# 'Rakoto and his wife will.go-will.work together.'



# SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy 'and.also' CAN precede CONSECUTIVE coordinate 
# particle ary 'and.subsequently' & singular conjoined NPs.

  Niara-niasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne ary i Koto.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      i    P sy       i    J ary      i    K.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.also D.sg J and.then D.sg K
# past.go.together  -past.work                     P and.also      J and.then      K
# 'Paul and.also Jeanne and.then Koto went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne ary i Koto.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      i    P sy       i    J ary      i    K.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.also D.sg J and.then D.sg K
# pres.go.together      -pres.work                 P and.also      J and.then      K
# 'Paul and.also Jeanne and.then Koto go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa i Paoly sy i Jeanne ary i Koto.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-  h-   i-     asa      i   P sy       i    J ary      i    K.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.also D.sg J and.then D.sg K
# fut.go.together     -fut.work                  P and.also      J and.then      K
# 'Paul and.also Jeanne and.then Koto will.go-will.work together.'


# CONSECUTIVE coordinate particle ary canNOT precede SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy.

# Ungrammatical
  Niara-niasa i Paoly ary i Jeanne sy i Koto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      i    P ary      i    J sy       i    K.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.then D.sg J and.also D.sg K
# past.go.together  -past.work                     P and.then      J and.also      K
# 'Paul and.then Jeanne and.also Koto went-worked together.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miara-miasa i Paoly ary i Jeanne sy i Koto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      i    P ary      i    J sy       i    K.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.then D.sg J and.also D.sg K
# pres.go.together      -pres.work                 P and.then      J and.also      K
# 'Paul and.then Jeanne and.also Koto go-work together.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiara-hiasa i Paoly ary i Jeanne sy i Koto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-  h-   i-     asa     i    P ary      i    J sy       i    K.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.then D.sg J and.also D.sg K
# fut.go.together      -fut.work                 P and.then      J and.also      K
# 'Paul and.then Jeanne and.also Koto will.go-will.work together.'


# Binary Branching possible (NP.1 sy NP.2) ary (NP.3 sy NP.4).

  Niara-niasa i Paoly sy i Marie ary i Jeanne sy i Koto.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      i    P sy       i    M ary      i    J sy       i    K.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg P and.also D.sg M and.then D.sg J and.also D.sg K
# past.go.together  -past.work                     P and.also      M and.then      J and.also      K
# 'Paul and.also Mary and.then Jeanne and.also Koto went-worked together.'



# SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy 'and.also' precedes CONSECUTIVE Coordinate particle ary 
# 'and.subsequently' & plural conjoined NPs.

  Niara-niasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne ary ry Koto.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     P sy       ry     J ary      ry     K.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P and.also D.plur J and.subs D.plur K
# past.go.together  -past.work                P & associates and J & associates and K & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates and.then Koto & associates went-worked together.'

  Miara-miasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne ary ry Koto.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     asa      ry     P sy       ry     J ary      ry     K.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P and.also D.plur J and.subs D.plur K
# pres.go.together     -pres.work             P & associates and J & associates and K & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates and.then Koto & associates go-work together.'

  Hiara-hiasa ry Paoly sy ry Jeanne ary ry Koto..
# H-   i-     ara(ka)-   h-   i-   asa      ry     P sy       ry     J ary      ry     K.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka-fut-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P and.also D.plur J and.subs D.plur K
# fut.go.together     -fut.work             P & associates and J & associates and K & associates
# 'Paul & associates and Jeanne & associates and.then Koto & associates will.go-will.work together.'


# Ungrammatical ary before sy  & plural conjoined NPs.

# Ungrammatical:
  Niara-niasa ry Paoly ary ry Jeanne sy ry Koto.  (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)-   n-   i-     asa      ry     P ary      ry     J sy       ry     K.
# past-pref.i-root.araka-past-pref.i-root.asa D.plur P and.then D.plur J and.also D.plur K
# past.go.together  -past.work                P & associates and J & associates and K & associates
# 'Paul & associates and.then Jeanne & associates and.also Koto & associates went-worked together.'




#  Malagasy Coordination - Part Two.

# In Part Two, we will concentrate mainly on VPs as the tense-markers that show up on
# the matrix verb and the adjoined verb play a crucial role in Malagasy coordination.
 

# 1. Adjunction: Configurations encoding ONE EVENT vs Configurations encoding TWO EVENTS.

# In Malagasy, a conjoined structure involving two different VPs shows one and the same 
# tense-marker on both the matrix and the accompanying predicates. This is the hallmark of
# adjunction in this language. However it is to be noted that depending on the subtype of
# predicate involved, a coordination particle --for example sy 'and.also'-- may or may not
# separate the two VPs.

# Where two conjoined VPs refer to ONE EVENT, the matrix and the accompanying VPs canNOT be
# separated by a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'--consult subsection 1.A below;  
# however when the two conjoined VPs refer to TWO EVENTS, the matrix and the accompanying VPs 
# will be separated by a coordination particle like sy 'and.also' -- see subsection 1.B below.

# But even if the conjoined structure describes TWO EVENTS, SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle
# sy 'and.also' can only accommodate ONE and ONLY ONE overt grammatical subject. In other words,
# VP.1 and VP.2 share the same subject and VP.2 NEVER has a different subject --consult in 
# particular subsection 1.B below.

# At least, the following subtypes of matrix verbs requiring adjunction structures will have 
# to be distinguished: { mianatra 'to learn (how to), manandrana "to try to', miaraka 'to go 
# with, ...}. Verbs like mianatra and their conjoined counterparts designate ONE EVENT and do 
# not allow the illicit sequence *VP.1 sy VP.2; on the other hand, verbs like miasa 'to work' 
# and their conjoined counterparts designate TWO EVENTS and correlate with the obligatory 
# sequence VP.1 sy VP.2; finally verbs like miaraka 'to go with' and their conjoined 
# counterparts designate ONE EVENT and do not allow the illicit sequence *VP.1 sy VP.2 as 
# the two verbs fuse together.


# A. Particle sy 'and.also': Correlation between ONE EVENT and the sequence *VP.1 sy VP.2.

# In this subsection, it will be seen that when an adjunction configuration involving two 
# different VPs refers to ONE EVENT, it is NOT possible to have coordination particles 
# like sy 'and.also' separate the two relevant VPs. From the following illustrative cases
# it looks as though VP.1 typically describes verbal aspect, i.e. the unfolding of some
# DURATIVE process as opposed for instance to the INCEPTION or TERMINATION of the process.

# (i) Verbs of the subtype of mianatra 'to learn how to'.

# Verbs of the subtype of mianatra as a matrix VP can be accompanied by another VP with the same
# tense-marker as the matrix predicate. The two VPs are juxtaposed and canNOT be separated
# by a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'. In addition, unlike with other subtypes of verbs
# no Double Passive construction is allowed at all --consult next subsection.

  Mianatra miteny anglisy i Jeanne.
# M-   i-     anatra      m-   i-     teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.anatra pres-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is learning how to speak English.'

# Ungrammatical
  Mianatra sy miteny anglisy i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     anatra      sy  m-   i-     teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.anatra and pres-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is learning and is speaking English.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 mianatra 'to learn' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this pair we have the present tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


  Nianatra niteny anglisy i Jeanne.
# N-   i-     anatra      n-   i-     teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.anatra past-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was learning how to speak English.

# Ungrammatical
  Nianatra sy niteny anglisy i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     anatra      sy  n-   i-     teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.anatra and past-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was learning and was speaking English.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 mianatra 'to learn' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this second pair we have the past tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


  Hianatra hiteny anglisy i Jeanne.
# H-   i-     anatra     h-   i-     teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.anatra fut-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be learning how to speak English.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hianatra sy hiteny anglisy i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     anatra     sy  h-   i-    teny      anglisy i    Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.anatra and fut-pref.i-root.teny English D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be learning and will be speaking English.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 mianatra 'to learn' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this third pair we have the future tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


# (ii) Verbs of the subtype of manandrana 'to try to'.

# Verbs of the subtype of manandrana as a matrix VP can be accompanied by another VP with the 
# same tense-marker as the matrix predicate. The two VPs are juxtaposed and canNOT be separated
# by a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'. Unlike other subtypes of adjunction verbs, it
# is POSSIBLE under certain conditions to have a Double Passive construction involving the two
# adjacent VPs --consult the last illustrative example in this subsection.

  Manandrana mamboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.
# M-   an-     andrana      m-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.an-root.andrana pres-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul is trying to repair the vehicle.'

# Ungrammatical
  Manandrana sy mamboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   an-     andrana      sy  m-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.an-root.andrana and pres-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul is trying and is repairing the vehicle.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 manandrana 'to try' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this pair we have the present tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


  Nanandrana namboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.
# N-   an-     andrana      n-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# past-pref.an-root.andrana past-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul was trying to repair the vehicle.'

# Ungrammatical
  Nanandrana sy namboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   an-     andrana      sy  n-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# past-pref.an-root.andrana and past-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul was trying and was repairing the vehicle.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 manandrana 'to try' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this second pair we have the past tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


  Hanandrana hamboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.
# H-   an-     andrana     h-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.an-root.andrana fut-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul will be trying to repair the vehicle.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hanandrana hamboatra ilay fiara i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   an-     andrana     sy  h-   a(n>)m- (v>)boatra  ilay  fiara   i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.an-root.andrana and fut-pref.an-root.voatra DX.sg vehicle D.sg Paul
# 'Paul will be trying and will be repairing the vehicle.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 manandrana 'to try' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this third pair we have the future tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


# Double Passive construction
  Andraman'i Paoly amboarina ilay fiara.
# ---       andram-an(a) i    Paoly ---       amboar-ina ilay  fiara.
# pass.pres-andram-ana   D.sg Paul  pass.pres-amboar-ina DX.sg vehicle
# Literally:'The vehicle is being tried by Paul is being repaired.'
# English:'Paul is trying to repair the (previous mention) vehicle.'
# Note the Double Passive construction involving the matrix VP manandrana 'to try';
# there is NO OVERT tense-marker on either VP.1 or VP.2.


# (iii) Verbs of the subtype of miaraka 'to go with'.

# Verbs of the subtype of miaraka as a matrix VP can be accompanied by another VP with the same
# tense-marker as the matrix predicate. The two verbs are fused and canNOT be separated
# by a coordination particle like sy 'and.also': The final syllable ka of miaraka drops out
# and the two VPs form one complex predicate.

  Miara-mianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul go to the same school.'
# Note the coordinate nature of the grammatical subject as opposed to the situation illustrated
# immediately below.

# Ungrammatical
  Miara-mianatra ry Jeanne.
# M-   i-     ara(ka)-   m-   i-     anatra      ry   Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# pres-pref.i-root.araka-pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.pl Jeanne
# 'Jeanne and Paul go to the same school.'
# Note that even if the plural form of the deictic 'ry''D.plural' is used with the grammatical
# subject, the sequence remains irretrievably ungrammatical. This poses an interesting question
# for agreement in constructions involving a coordinate constituent, which in some sense represents
# one kind of COMITATIVE oblique.

# Ungrammatical
  Miaraka sy mianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     ara(ka)    sy  m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.araka and pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul go together and study.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 miaraka 'to go with' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this pair we have the present tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.


  Niara-nianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.
# N-   i-     ara(ka)    n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.araka past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul went to the same school.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niaraka sy nianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     ara(ka)    sy  n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.araka and past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul went together and studied.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 miaraka 'to go with' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this second pair we have the past tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.



  Hiara-hianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.
# H-   i-     ara(ka)   h-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul will be going to the same school.'


# Ungrammatical
  Hiaraka sy hianatra i Jeanne sy i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     ara(ka)   sy  h-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne sy  i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.araka and fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne and D.sg Paul
# 'Jeanne and Paul will be going together and will be studying.'

# The matrix verb henceforth VP.1 miaraka 'to go with' is accompanied by another VP, i.e. VP.2 
# with the same tense. In this third pair we have the future tense. The adjunction configuration
# refers to ONE EVENT and it is NOT possible to have a coordination particle like sy 'and.also'
# separate the two VPs.



# B. Particle sy 'and.also': Correlation between TWO EVENTS and the sequence VP.1 sy VP.2.

# In this subsection, it will be seen that when an adjunction configuration involving two different VPs 
# refers to TWO EVENTS, it is obligatory to have coordination particles like sy 'and.also' separate
# the two relevant VPs. In addition, it is NOT possible to have the sequence 'sy VP.2' adjoined 
# to the immediate right of CP, i.e. in other words to the immediate right of the grammatical subject.
# As a direct consequence of this last property, VP.2 can NEVER have a grammatical subject different
# from the one for VP.1.


  Miasa sy mianatra i Jeanne.
# M-   i-     asa      sy  m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa and pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa i Jeanne sy mianatra. (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  m-   i-     anatra.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and pres-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa i Jeanne sy mianatra i Koto, (0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  m-   i-     anatra      i    Koto.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time Koto studies.'

# In this first set of Malagasy examples involving matrix VP.1 miasa 'to work', with the present 
# tense on both VP.1 and VP.2, the coordination particle sy 'and.also' is obligatory, as can be 
# deduced from the grammaticality pattern shown by the first two sequences. In addition, the 
# third sequence where VP.2 is relegated to the right of the grammatical subject is ungrammatical.
# Finally, the ungrammaticality of the last sequence shows that when VP.2 comprises a different
# subject, the sentence with coordinate particle sy 'and.also' is irretrievably ungrammatical.


  Niasa sy nianatra i Jeanne.
# N-   i-     asa      sy  n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.asa and past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period of time was studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa      n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-root.asa past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period of time was studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa i Jeanne sy nianatra. (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  n-   i-     anatra.
# past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and past-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa i Jeanne sy nianatra i Koto. (0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  n-   i-     anatra      i    Koto.
# past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time Koto studies.'

# In this second set of Malagasy examples involving matrix VP.1 miasa 'to work', with the past 
# tense on both VP.1 and VP.2, the coordination particle sy 'and.also' is obligatory, as can be 
# deduced from the grammaticality pattern shown by the first two sequences. In addition, the 
# third sequence where VP.2 is relegated to the right of the grammatical subject is ungrammatical.
# Finally, the ungrammaticality of the last sequence shows that when VP.2 comprises a different
# subject, the sentence with coordinate particle sy 'and.also' is irretrievably ungrammatical.



  Hiasa sy hianatra i Jeanne.
# H-   i-    asa      sy  h-  i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa and fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period of time will be studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa hianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa     h-  i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period of time will be studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa i Jeanne sy hianatra. (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  h-   i-    anatra.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne  and fut-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Jeanne will work and during the same period of time will study.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa i Jeanne sy hianatra i Koto. (0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  h-   i-    anatra      i    Koto.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne  and fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne will work and during the same period of time Koto will study.'

# In this third set of Malagasy examples involving matrix VP.1 miasa 'to work', with the future 
# tense on both VP.1 and VP.2, the coordination particle sy 'and.also' is obligatory, as can be 
# deduced from the grammaticality pattern shown by the first two sequences. In addition, the 
# third sequence where VP.2 is relegated to the right of the grammatical subject is ungrammatical.
# Finally, the ungrammaticality of the last sequence shows that when VP.2 comprises a different
# subject, the sentence with coordinate particle sy 'and.also' is irretrievably ungrammatical.



# Violation of same initial subject constraint described above:

# Ungrammatical
          Henon-dRabe sy nojeren-dRajaona ny mpihira gasy.(0! 0 0 0)
#         Henon-dRabe sy  nojeren-dRajaona       ny    mpihira. 
#         heard-Rabe  and Pst-AccP.watch-Rajaona Det   singer 
#         'The singer, Rabe heard (him) and Rajaona watched (him)' 

# EVENT.1 = VP.1 = henon-dRakoto = --- heno = passive.voice.present-root.heno-clitic.n(a)-ep.d-Rabe
# EVENT.2 = VP.2 = nojeren-dRabe = passive.voice.past-stem.jere-passive.(i)na-ep.d-Rajaona

# VP.1 is in the present tense, whereas VP.2 is in the past tense. Yet SIMULTANEOUS coordinate 
# particle sy 'and.also' requires that both VPs have the same tense-marker. In addition, there
# is another difficulty raised by use of SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy involving Rabe as 
# initial grammatical subject for EVENT.1 and involving Rajaona as initial grammatical subject 
# for EVENT.2.


# 2. Particles sy 'and.also', ary 'and.subsequently & Determination of ONE EVENT vs TWO EVENT VPs.

# A.  Correlation between SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy 'and.also' & Adjunction to InflP. 
#     Correlation between CONSECUTIVE coordinate particle ary 'and.subsequently' & Adjunction to CP.

# As will be illustrated in the data below, there is a strong correlation between 
# (a) SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy 'and.also' & Adjunction to InflP, on the one hand 
# --as illustrated in subsection 3.A below--and (b) CONSECUTIVE coordinate particle ary 'and.subsequently' 
# & Adjunction to CP, on the other hand --as elaborated on in subsection 3.B below.

# B. Case of SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sy 'and.also' & Adjunction to InflP:

# (i) Correlation between ONE EVENT, VP.1 [+ BOUNDED ], *sy 'and.also' & Adjunction to Infl.P
# where VP.1 is the matrix VP and feature [+ BOUNDED ] can be either [ + Left BOUNDED ] 
# or [ + Right BOUNDED ] and where * represents an illicit particle. For details consult 
# Randriamasimanana (2004).'Relation tete-specifieur et analyse en traits pertinents en 
# malgache.'In Faits de langues. Les langues austronesiennes. Volumes 23-24: 271-280. 
# Orphrys, Paris, France.

# Either [ + Left BOUNDED ], i.e. describing the INCEPTION of some DURATIVE process

  Nanomboka nianatra i Jeanne.
# N-   an-(t)omboka    n-   i-anatra i    Jeanne.
# past-an-root.tomboka past-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne started to study.'

# Ungrammatical
  Nanomboka sy nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   an-(t)omboka    sy       n-   i-anatra i    Jeanne.
# past-an-root.tomboka and.also past-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne started and studies.'

# where VP.1 = manomboka = to start & VP.2 = mianatra 'to study'; and
# where BOUNDEDNESS represents lexical encoding of verbal aspect on VP.


# or [ + Right BOUNDED ], i.e. describibg the TERMINATION of some DURATIVE process

  Nitsahatra tsy nianatra i Jeanne.
# N-   i-tsahatra tsy n-   i-anatra i    Jeanne.
# past-i-tsahatra not past-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne stopped studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Nitsahatra sy tsy nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-tsahatra sy  tsy n-   i-anatra i    Jeanne.
# past-i-tsahatra and not past-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne stopped and did not study.'

# where VP.1 = mitsahatra = to stop & VP.2 = mianatra 'to study'; and
# where BOUNDEDNESS represents lexical encoding of verbal aspect on VP.


# (ii)  Correlation between TWO EVENTS, VP.1 [- BOUNDED ], sy 'and.also' & Adjunction to InflP.

# In addition to one crucial feature in VP.1 contrasting with the reverse feature in VP.2,
# we have another feature, i.e. SIMULTANEOUS. This is what we have in subsection 1.B above 
# in examples like

  Miasa sy mianatra i Jeanne.
# M-   i-     asa      sy  m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa and pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa i Jeanne sy mianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  m-   i-     anatra.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and pres-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa i Jeanne sy mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne sy  m-   i-     anatra      i    Koto.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne and pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period of time Koto studies.'

# In this subset of sequences, the first grammatical sentence shows a VP.1 containing 
# one lexical feature contrasting with that inherent in VP.2. In addition, it also illustrates
# the fact that coordination particle sy 'and.also' displays another feature, i.e. SIMULTANEOUS.
# However as the grammaticality pattern above suggests, VP.1 and VP.2 must be separated by
# coordination particle sy 'and.also'. In addition, as already indicated before, VP.2 canNOT
# be adjoined to the right of the grammatical subject; and VP.2 canNOT have a different subject.



# difference between conjoined VPs and conjoined NPs:


# Ungrammatical
  Nandidy antsy ny trondro teo ambony vilia sy ny mofo teo ambony latabatra i Soa. (0! 0 0 0)

#         N-andidy antsy       ny trondro  t-eo      ambony vilia 
#         past-cut (with)knife det fish    pst.there on.top dish 
#         sy  ny  mofo  t-eo      ambony latabatra i Soa. 
#         and det bread pst.there on-top table       soa 
#        'Soa cut the fish on the dish and cut the bread on the table 
#        with a knife.'

# This sentence is ungrammatical with the intended reading provided in English;
# the English translation presupposes a conjunction of VPs, i.e. a VP.1 as well as a VP.2:
# VP.1 = nandidy antsy ny trondro
# VP.2 = ??? ny mofo teo ambony latabatra.

# The meaning corresponding to the grammatical sequence represents a coordination of NPs:
# 'Soa cut with a knife the fish which was on the dish and the bread which was on the table.'

# NP.1 = ny trondro teo  ambony vilia 'the meat which was on the dish'
# NP.2 = ny mofo teo ambony latabatra 'the bread which was on the table'.


# C. Case of CONSECUTIVE coordination particle ary 'and.subsequently' & Adjunction to CP:

# NO NEED for a contrastive feature in VP.1 and opposing it to the reverse feature in VP.2;
# but there is one additional feature CONSECUTIVE, as explained in subsection 3.B below with 
# examples such as

  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo  mianatra.
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    m-i-anatra.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there pres-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently after that studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo  mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    m-i-anatra         i    Koto.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently after that Koto studies.'
# NOTE: This sequence is ungrammatical because the conjoined structure has a different
# grammatical subject.

# Typically this additional feature CONSECUTIVE is reinforced by one additional expression
# 'avy eo''has.come here''once that is finished' attached to the coordination particle ary.


# Coordination particle ary 'and.subsequently' & obligatory feature CONSECUTIVE:

# Ungrammatical
          Omaly Rabe no nivarotra hena ary Rajaona no nividy mofo. (0! 0 0 0)
#         Omaly     Rabe no    n-ivarotra hena ary      Rajaona no    n-ividy  mofo. 
#         yesterday Rabe focus past-sell  meat and.then Rajaona focus past-buy bread 
#         'It was yesterday that Rabe sold meat and then Rajaona bought bread.'

# Ary in this sequence canNOT possibly encode the notion CONSECUTIVE since EVENT.1 =
# nivarotra hena Rabe 'Rasoa sold meat' and EVENT.2 = nividy mofo Rajaona 'Rajaona bought
# bread' are both explicitly stated to have taken place on the SAME DAY, i.e. yesterday.


# A Comparison between SIMULTANEOUS Coordination Particle sy & CONSECUTIVE Coordination 
# Particle ary involving conjoined VPs with respect to Sharing of Grammatical Subject.

# (i) SIMULTANEOUS Coordination Particle sy & Sharing of Grammatical Subject.

  Oviana no niasa sy nianatra i Paoly?
# Oviana no    n-iasa    sy       n-ianatra  i    Paoly?
# when   focus past-work and.also past-study D.sg Paul
# 'When did Paul work and.also study?'

  Oviana i Paoly no niasa sy nianatra?
# Oviana i    Paoly no    n-iasa    sy       n-ianatra?
# Oviana D.sg Paul  focus past-work and.also past-study
# 'When did Paul work and.also study?'
# These last two examples show that with SIMULTANEOUS Coordination Particle sy conjoined 
# VP.1 & VP.2 typically share the same grammatical subject. 


# (ii) CONSECUTIVE Coordination Particle ary & non-Sharing of Grammatical Subject.

# Ungrammatical:
        Oviana Rabe no nividy vary ary Rasoa no nikarakara sakafo? (0! 0 0 0)
# 	Oviana Rabe no    n-ividy  vary ary      Rasoa no    n-ikarakara sakafo? 
#       When   Rabe focus past-buy rice and.then Rasoa focus past-prepare food 
#       ‘When did Rabe buy rice and Rasoa prepare food?’ 

# Grammatical counterpart:
       Oviana Rabe no nividy vary ary oviana koa Rasoa no nikarakara sakafo?
#      Oviana Rabe no    n-ividy  vary ary      oviana koa  Rabe no    n-ikarakara sakafo? 
#      When   Rabe focus past-buy rice and.then when   also Rabe focus past-prepare food 
#      ‘When did Rabe buy rice and.then when did Rabe prepare food?’
# The contrast between the ungrammatical and its grammatical counterpart, involving
# CONSECUTIVE Coordination Particle ary suggests that with emphasis it is possible to have
# a conjoined structure S.2 comprising its own grammatical subject different from the one
# for S.1.


# Finally here is an interesting albeit rather complex example illustrating the use of sy 
# 'and.also' and ary 'and.subsequently':

  Olona tsara fanahy sy tia namana tokoa i Paoly
# Olona  [ tsara fanahy sy       tia  namana  tokoa  ] i    Paoly
# person [ good  soul   and.also love friends indeed ] D.sg Paul
# Literally:'Paul (is) a person who is good soul (and.also) who loves friends indeed 
# English:'Paul is a person who is good and who indeed loves his friends'

  ary nahavita fianarana tany ampita.
# ary      [ n-aha-vita    fianarana t-any      ampita   --- ].
# and.then [ past-aha-done studies   past-there overseas empty]
# English:'and who did his studies overseas.'

# Note that in the framework proposed here for coordination, the constituents Predicate.1 
# = 'tsara fanahy''good soul' & Predicate.2 = 'sy tia namana tokoa' 'and who loves friends 
# indeed' are conjoined by SIMULTANEOUS particle 'sy''and.also'. Predicate.1 and Predicate.2 
# share the same grammatical subject 'i Paoly''Paul'. On the other hand, the structure 
# 'ary nahita fianarana t ampitaany''and who did his studies overseas' represents a third 
# constituent; this third constituent comprises a pronominal empty subject position symbolized
# thus ---. Third, what makes this sentence interesting is that we have a conjoining of a 
# non-verbal predicate 'tsara fanahy''good soul' an NP predicate making up structure S.1 
# with a verbal predicate 'tia namana tokoa''who loves his friends indeed'  a VP predicate 
# making up structure S.2. The only element those two structures share is the grammatical 
# subject inside S.1 and that inside S.2. This common element also happens to be 'olona' 
# 'person', a topic linking up the conjoined S.1 & S.2, a non-verbal predicate inside 
# the equative matrix clause 'olona i Paoly''person Paul''Paul (is/was) a person'. 



# 3. TWO EVENTS: SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particle vs CONSECUTIVE Coordination particle.

# Whether adjunction involves a SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particle or a CONSECUTIVE
# Coordination particle, the two coordinate VPs must by and large have the same tense-marker; 
# otherwise, it is typically the case that the sequence becomes irretrievably ungrammatical.
# However note the difference between an InflP-Adjunction and a CP-Adjunction. With InflP-Adjunction
# it is quite possible to optionally have the conjoined structure to the immediate right of the
# grammatical subject, whereas with a CP-Adjunction, it is typically NOT possible to adjoin VP.2
# to the immediate right of the matrix VP.

# A. SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particle sady ... no 'and.during.the.same.period' & InflP-Adjunct.

# (i) Conjoined VP involving 'sady ... no' can show up to the immediate right of matrix VP:

  Sady miasa no mianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady m-   i-     asa      no m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY pres-pref.i-root.asa NO pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period studies.'

  Sady niasa no nianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady n-   i-     asa      no n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY past-pref.i-root.asa NO past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period was studying.'

  Sady hiasa no hianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady h-   i-     asa     no h-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa NO fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period will be studying.'

# As expected, VP.1 and VP.2 have the same tense-marker, i.e. present, past or future and
# VP.2 is adjoined to the immediate right of VP.1 although note that we have a discontinuous
# segment: Sady shows up to the left of VP.1 while no appears to the left of VP.2.


# (ii) Conjoined VP involving 'sady ... no' can also show up to the right of grammatical subject: 

  Sady miasa i Jeanne no mianatra.
# Sady m-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne no m-   i-     anatra      .
# SADY pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO pres-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period studies.'

  Sady niasa i Jeanne no nianatra.
# Sady n-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne no n-   i-     anatra.
# SADY past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO past-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period was studying.'

  Sady hiasa i Jeanne no hianatra.
# Sady h-   i-     asa     i    Jeanne no h-   i-    anatra.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO fut-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period will be studying.'

# As expected, VP.1 and VP.2 have the same tense-marker, i.e. present, past or future and
# VP.2 is adjoined to the immediate right of VP.1 although note that we have a discontinuous
# segment: Sady shows up to the left of VP.1 while no appears to the left of VP.2.


# (iii) The conjoined VP MUST have the same tense-marker as the matrix VP. Otherwise 
#       ungrammaticality ensues.

# Ungrammatical
  Sady miasa no nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady m-   i-     asa      no n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY pres-pref.i-root.asa NO past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period studied.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady miasa no hianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady m-   i-     asa      no h-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY pres-pref.i-root.asa NO fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period will study.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady hiasa no mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady hiasa no mianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady h-   i-     asa     no m-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa NO pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period is studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady hiasa no nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady hiasa no nianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady h-   i-     asa     no n-   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa NO past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period was studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady niasa no mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady niasa               no mianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady past-   i- asa      no m -   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa NO pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period is studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady niasa no hianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady niasa               no hianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady past-   i- asa      no h -   i-     anatra      i    Jeanne.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa NO fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period will be studying.'

# In all of the ungrammatical sequences above involving coordinate particle sady ...no
# VP.1 and VP.2 have different tense-markers on them.


# (iv) VP.2 can NEVER have a different grammatical subject than VP.1:
#      A conjoined structure involving a SIMULTANEOUS coordinate particle sady...no
# 'and.during.the.same.period' does NOT allow VP.2 to have a different subject.

# Ungrammatical
  Sady miasa i Jeanne no mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady m-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne no m-   i-     anatra       i    Koto.
# SADY pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO pres-pref.i-root.anatra  D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works and during the same period Koto studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady niasa i Jeanne no nianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady n-   i-     asa      i    Jeanne no n-   i-     anatra      i    Koto.
# SADY past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne was working and during the same period Koto was studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady hiasa i Jeanne no hianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady h-   i-     asa     i    Jeanne no h-   i-    anatra       i    Koto.
# SADY fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Jeanne NO fut-pref.i-root.anatra  D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne will be working and during the same period Koto will be studying.'

# Even though the above sequences show VP.1 and VP.2 with the same tense-marker,
# they all comprise a different grammatical subject for VP.2. That is precisely why
# all of those sentences are ungrammatical, especially in the absence of a specific
# context. The assumption here is that the relevant sentences all occur discourse-
# initially.



# B. CONSECUTIVE Coordination particles ary or dia 'and.subsequently' & CP-Adjunct.

# Note that CONSECUTIVE coordination particles like dia or ary involve a CP-Adjunction, 
# i.e. adjunction to the right of the grammatical subject and do NOT allow adjunction to 
# the immediate right of the matrix VP. There is a correlation between CP-Adjunction and 
# CONSECUTIVE Coordination.

# (i) Conjoined VPs involving dia or ary typically show up to the immediate right of 
#     grammatical subject. In other words, we are dealing here with CP-Adjunctions, 
#     NOT InflP-Adjunctions.

  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia mianatra.
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia m-i-anatra.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA pres-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently studies.'

  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia nianatra.
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia n-i-anatra.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA past-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently studied.

  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia hianatra.
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia h-i-anatra.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA fut-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently will study.


  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo  mianatra.
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    m-i-anatra.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there pres-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently after that studies.'

  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy teo nianatra.
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  teo        n-i-anatra.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come perf-there past-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently after that studied.

  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo hianatra.
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    h-i-anatra.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there fut-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently after that will study.

# Note that VP.1 and VP.2 show the same tense-marker. It is better to have a parenthetical
# like 'avy eo''after that' in addition to the coordination particle ary 'and.subsequently'.


# (ii) Conjoined VPs involving dia or ary canNOT show up to the immediate right of matrix VPs.
#     This confirms the view that we are dealing here with CP-Adjunctions, NOT InflP-Adjunctions.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) dia mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) dia m-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) DIA pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) ary mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) ary m-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) ARY pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently studies.'


# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) dia nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) dia n-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) DIA past-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently studied.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) ary nianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) ary n-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) ARY past-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently studied.'


# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) dia hianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa (aloha) dia h-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) DIA fut-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently will study.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) ary hianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa (aloha) ary h-i-anatra         i    Jeanne.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) ARY fut-pref.i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently will study.'


# Even though VP.1 and VP.2 in the above set of sequences have the same tense-markers,
# VP.2 involving coordinate particle dia or ary is adjoined to the immediate right of
# VP.1. All of the above sentences are irretrievably ungrammatical. 


# (iii) Conjoined VPs involving dia or ary MUST have the same tense-marker.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia hianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia h-i-anatra.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA fut-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently will study.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary hianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary h-i-anatra.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY fut-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently will study.'


# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia mianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia m-i-anatra.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA pres-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently studies.

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary mianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary m-i-anatra.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY pres-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently studies.


# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia nianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia n-i-anatra.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA past-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently studied.

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary nianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary n-i-anatra.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY past-pref.i-anatra
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently studied.

# All of the above sequences are irretrievably ungrammatical as they involve
# a VP.1 and a VP.2 with different tenses linked by coordinate particle dia
# or coordinate particle ary.


# (iv) VP.2 can NEVER have a different grammatical subject than VP.1:
#      A conjoined structure involving a CONSECUTIVE coordinate particle dia or ary
# 'and.subsequently' does NOT allow VP.2 to have a different subject.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia m-i-anatra         i    Koto.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently Koto studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia nianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia n-i-anatra         i    Koto.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA past-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently Koto studied.

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne dia hianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne dia h-i-anatra        i    Koto.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne DIA fut-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently Koto will study.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo  mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    m-i-anatra         i    Koto.
# pres-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works (first) and.subsequently after that Koto studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy teo nianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  teo        n-i-anatra         i    Koto.
# past-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come perf-there past-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne worked (first) and.subsequently after that Koto studied.

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa (aloha) i Jeanne ary avy eo hianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-    asa (aloha) i    Jeanne ary avy  eo    h-i-anatra i Koto.
# fut-pref.i-asa (first) D.sg Jeanne ARY come there fut-pref.i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne will work (first) and.subsequently after that Koto will study.

# All of the above sequences involving coordinate particle dia or ary are irretrievably 
# ungrammatical for the simple reason that VP.2 has a different grammatical subject than
# VP.1. This is especially true when there is no specific context made explicit by
# a previous stretch of discourse. The assumption here is that all of the above
# sentences occur discourse-initially.



# 4. Other SIMULTANEOUS Coordination particles  { aman(a), ambin(a), mbamin(a), na, sa, ...}.

# In Malagasy, there are two different types of SIMULTANEOUS coordination particles. 
# Wide scope coordination vs narrow scope particles. Wide scope coordination 
# particles comprise items such as { na 'either, or', sa 'whether, or', etc ...} 
# and can range over an entire S or a predicate; whereas a narrow scope 
# coordination particle can be one of three elements, i.e. { aman(a)'and.also', 
# ambin(a)'in.addition.to',  mbamin(a)'as.well.as' } & can only range over an NP.


# (i) Wide scope Coordination particles can generally accommodate any grammatical category 
#     that can serve as a predicate. In other words, a predicate can be an Adjectival Phrase (AdjP), 
# a Preposition Phrase (PP), a NounPhrase (NP) or a Verb Phrase (VP). A typical example is provided 
# by SIMULTANEOUS coordination particle sady ... no, which is discontinuous : 

# Sady & AdjP:

  Sady moana no marenina i Jeanne.
# Sady moana no marenina i    Jeanne.
# Both mute  NO deaf     D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both mute and deaf.'

  Sady moana i Jeanne no marenina.
# Sady moana i    Jeanne no marenina.
# Both mute  D.sg Jeanne NO deaf
# 'Jeanne is both mute and deaf.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady moana marenina i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady moana marenina i    Jeanne.
# Both mute  deaf     D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both mute and deaf.'

# Ungrammatical
  Moana no marenina i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Moana no marenina i    Jeanne.
# Mute  NO deaf     D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both mute and deaf.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady moana i Jeanne no marenina i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady moana i    Jeanne no marenina i    Koto.
# Both mute  D.sg Jeanne NO deaf     D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne is both mute and Koto deaf.'

# This first subset of data shows that coordination particle sady ... no is a typical
# particle, behaving in exactly the same manner as other coordination particles although 
# note that we have a discontinuous segment, i.e. sady shows up to the left of AdjP.1 while no 
# appears to the left of AdjP.2.: For example replacing the coordinate particle sy 'and.also' 
# or not allowing a different grammatical subject for Predicate.2. In addition, sady ... no can 
# accommodate an Adjective Phrase. Last but not least, the assumption made here is that the
# above utterances occur discourse-initially and do NOT presuppose a special context which
# can be provided by some previous stretch of discourse; this is especially true for the last
# sequence.


# Sady & PP:

  Sady atsy no aroa i Jeanne.
# Sady atsy no aroa i Jeanne.
# Both here NO there D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both here and there.'

  Sady atsy i Jeanne no aroa.
# Sady atsy i Jeanne    no aroa.
# Both here D.sg Jeanne NO there
# 'Jeanne is both here and there.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady atsy aroa i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady atsy aroa i Jeanne.
# Both here there D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both here and there.'

# Ungrammatical
  Atsy no aroa i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Atsy no aroa  i    Jeanne.
# Here NO there D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both here and there.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady atsy i Jeanne no aroa i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady atsy i Jeanne    no aroa  i    Koto.
# Both here D.sg Jeanne NO there D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne is both here and Koto there.'

# This second subset of data shows that coordination particle sady ... no is a typical
# particle, behaving in exactly the same manner as other coordination particles although 
# note that we have a discontinuous segment, i.e. sady shows up to the left of PP.1 while no 
# appears to the left of PP.2.: For example replacing the coordinate particle sy 'and.also' 
# or not allowing a different grammatical subject for Predicate.2. In addition, sady ... no can 
# accommodate a Preposition Phrase. Last but not least, the assumption made here is that the
# above utterances occur discourse-initially and do NOT presuppose a special context which
# can be provided by some previous stretch of discourse; this is especially true for the last
# sequence.



# Sady & NP:

  Sady mpianatra no mpampianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady mpianatra no mpampianatra i    Jeanne.
# Both student   NO teacher      D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both a student and a teacher.'

  Sady mpianatra i Jeanne no mpampianatra.
# Sady mpianatra i    Jeanne no mpampianatra.
# Both student   D.sg Jeanne NO teacher
# 'Jeanne is both a student and a teacher.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady mpianatra mpampianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady mpianatra mpampianatra i    Jeanne.
# Both student   teacher      D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both a student and a teacher.'

# Ungrammatical
  Mpianatra no mpampianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Mpianatra no mpampianatra i    Jeanne.
# student   NO teacher      D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne is both a student and a teacher.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady mpianatra i Jeanne no mpampianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady mpianatra i    Jeanne no mpampianatra i    Koto.
# Both student   D.sg Jeanne NO teacher      D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne is both a student and Koto a teacher.'

# This third subset of data shows that coordination particle sady ... no is a typical
# particle, behaving in exactly the same manner as other coordination particles although 
# note that we have a discontinuous segment, i.e. sady shows up to the left of NP.1 while no 
# appears to the left of NP.2.: For example replacing the coordinate particle sy 'and.also' 
# or not allowing a different grammatical subject for Predicate.2. In addition, sady ... no can 
# accommodate a Noun Phrase. Last but not least, the assumption made here is that the
# above utterances occur discourse-initially and do NOT presuppose a special context which
# can be provided by some previous stretch of discourse; this is especially true for the last
# sequence.



# Sady & VP:

  Sady miasa no mianatra i Jeanne.
# Sady m-i-asa    no m-i-anatra    i    Jeanne.
# Both pres-i-asa NO pres-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and.also studies.'

  Sady miasa i Jeanne no mianatra.
# Sady m-i-asa     i    Jeanne no m-i-anatra.
# Both pres-i-asa  D.sg Jeanne NO pres-i-anatra
# 'Jeanne works and.also studies.'


# Ungrammatical
  Sady miasa mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady m-i-asa    m-i-anatra    i    Jeanne.
# Both pres-i-asa pres-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and.also studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa no mianatra i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-i-asa    no m-i-anatra    i    Jeanne.
# pres-i-asa NO pres-i-anatra D.sg Jeanne
# 'Jeanne works and.also studies.'

# Ungrammatical
  Sady miasa i Jeanne no mianatra i Koto.(0! 0 0 0)
# Sady m-i-asa     i    Jeanne no m-i-anatra    i    Koto.
# Both pres-i-asa  D.sg Jeanne NO pres-i-anatra D.sg Koto
# 'Jeanne works and.also Koto studies.'

# This fourth subset of data shows that coordination particle sady ... no is a typical
# particle, behaving in exactly the same manner as other coordination particles although 
# note that we have a discontinuous segment, i.e. sady shows up to the left of VP.1 while no 
# appears to the left of VP.2.: For example replacing the coordinate particle sy 'and.also' 
# or not allowing a different grammatical subject for Predicate.2. In addition, sady ... no can 
# accommodate a Verb Phrase.  Last but not least, the assumption made here is that the
# above utterances occur discourse-initially and do NOT presuppose a special context which
# can be provided by some previous stretch of discourse; this is especially true for the last
# sequence.


# The same remarks as above apply to coordination particles such as sa or na 
# except that sa 'whether, or' has to be licensed by a Question particle --whether
# or not the Question word actually shows up or not in the sequence-- whereas 
# na 'whether, either, or' is a negative polarity item and requires Negation
# tsy 'not'--which must show up in a wide scope position within the sentence.

# Sa & VP:

  (Moa ve) handeha sa tsy handeha i Jeanne?
# (Moa ve)   h-andeha sa tsy h-andeha i    Jeanne?
# (Question) fut-go   SA not fut-go   D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne will go or will not go?'

  (Moa ve) nandeha sa tsy nandeha i Jeanne?
# (Moa ve)   n-andeha sa tsy n-andeha i    Jeanne?
# (Question) past-go  SA not past-go  D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne went or did not go?'

  (Moa ve) mandeha sa tsy mandeha i Jeanne?
# (Moa ve)   m-andeha sa tsy m-andeha i    Jeanne?
# (Question) pres-go  SA not pres-go  D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne can walk or cannot walk?'


  (Moa ve) handeha i Jeanne sa tsy handeha ?
# (Moa ve)   h-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy h-andeha?
# (Question) fut-go    D.sg Jeanne SA not fut-go
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne will go or will not go?'

  (Moa ve) nandeha i Jeanne sa tsy nandeha ?
# (Moa ve)   n-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy n-andeha?
# (Question) past-go   D.sg Jeanne SA not past-go
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne went or did not go?'

  (Moa ve) mandeha i Jeanne sa tsy mandeha ?
# (Moa ve)   m-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy m-andeha?
# (Question) pres-go   D.sg Jeanne SA not pres-go
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne can go or cannot go?'

# Ungrammatical
  (Moa ve) handeha i Jeanne sa tsy handeha i Koto?
# (Moa ve)   h-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy h-andeha i    Koto?
# (Question) fut-go    D.sg Jeanne SA not fut-go   D.sg Koto
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne will go or Koto will not go?'

# Ungrammatical
  (Moa ve) nandeha i Jeanne sa tsy nandeha i Koto?
# (Moa ve)   n-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy n-andeha i    Koto?
# (Question) past-go   D.sg Jeanne SA not past-go   D.sg Koto
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne went or Koto did not go?'

# Ungrammatical
  (Moa ve) mandeha i Jeanne sa tsy mandeha i Koto?
# (Moa ve)   m-andeha  i    Jeanne sa tsy m-andeha i    Koto?
# (Question) pres-go   D.sg Jeanne SA not pres-go  D.sg Koto
# Literally:'Is it the case that Jeanne can walk or Koto cannot walk?'


# Note the emphatic Question particle moa ve 'is.it.the.case.that', which has wide scope.
# It licenses the coordination particle sa 'whether, or', which links up VP.1 and VP.2.
# As was the case with all other coordination particles, VP.1 and VP.2 have the same tenses.
# What is remarkable with particle sa is that its use presupposes a feature Question whether
# a question particle shows up or not within the sequence. Last but not least, note that
# the last three sequences where VP.2 has a different subject are irretrievably ungrammatical.


# Na & VP:

  Tsy fantatra na handeha na tsy handeha i Jeanne.
# Tsy fantatra na h-andeha na tsy h-andeha i    Jeanne.
# not is.known NA fut-go   NA neg fut-go   D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'It is not known whether Jeanne will go or will not go.'

  Tsy fantatra na nandeha na tsy nandeha i Jeanne.
# Tsy fantatra na n-andeha na tsy n-andeha i    Jeanne.
# not is.known NA past-go  NA neg past-go  D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'It is not known whether Jeanne went or did not go.'

  Tsy fantatra na mandeha na tsy mandeha i Jeanne.
# Tsy fantatra na m-andeha na tsy m-andeha i    Jeanne.
# not is.known NA pres-go  NA neg pres-go  D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'It is not known whether Jeanne can walk or cannot walk.'

  Tsy fantatra na handeha i Jeanne na tsy handeha.
# Tsy fantatra na h-andeha i    Jeanne na tsy h-andeha.
# not is.known NA fut-go   D.sg Jeanne NA neg fut-go
# Literally:'It is not known whether Jeanne will go or will not go.'
# Note that here VP.2 is adjoined to the right of the grammatical subject.


# Ungrammatical
  Fantatra na handeha na tsy handeha i Jeanne.(0! 0 0 0)
# Fantatra na h-andeha na tsy h-andeha i    Jeanne.
# Is.known NA fut-go   NA neg fut-go   D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'It is known whether Jeanne will go or will not go.'

# Ungrammatical
  Tsy fantatra na handeha i Jeanne na tsy handeha i Koto.
# Tsy fantatra na h-andeha i    Jeanne na tsy h-andeha i    Koto.
# not is.known NA fut-go   D.sg Jeanne NA neg fut-go   D.sg Koto
# Literally:'It is not known whether Jeanne will go or Koto will not go.'


# Coordinate particle na 'whether, either, or' is a negative polarity item and
# requires Negation tsy 'not' in a wide scope position within the sentence. The
# sequence involving narrow scope tsy 'not' remains ungrammatical. Also note 
# that the last sequence where VP.2 has a different subject is irretrievably 
# ungrammatical.


# (ii) Narrow scope Coordination particles can only range over NP.

# Only Nominal conjuncts are allowed by Coordination particles such as 
# { aman(a)'and.also', ambin(a)'in.addition.to', and mbamin(a)'as.well.as'}.
# In addition, the first two items involve a finite set of elements, whereas
# the third item interacts with an open-ended set.

# a. Aman(a) & NP:
  Lasa ny ray amandrenin'i Jeanne.
# Lasa ny  ray    aman(a)- d-   reni-  n(a) i    Jeanne.
# gone Det father and.also-ep.d-mother-of   D.sg Jeanne
# Literally:'The father and mother of Jeanne have left.'
# English:'Jeanne's parents have left.'

# Narrow scope Coordination particle aman(a) 'and.also' requires that
# NP.1 and NP.2 refer to entities which are typically closely associated 
# with each other such as zaza amambehivavy 'child(ren) and.also women',
# namana amantsakaiza 'friends and.also intimate.friends'. The relevant set
# of referents involving this particle is probably finite.

# b. Ambin(a) & NP:
  Lasa ny olona roa ambin'ny folo.
# Lasa ny  olona  roa ambi-n(a)      ny  folo.
# gone Det people two in.addition.to Det ten
# Literally:'Gone are the people two in addition to the ten.'
# English:'Twelve people have left.'

# Narrow scope Coordination particle ambin(a) 'in.addition.to' is restricted
# to cardinal numbers and to that extent deals with a finite set.


# c. Mbamin(a) & NP:
  Lasa ry Paoly mbamin-dry Koto.
# Lasa ry      Paoly mbamin(a)- d-   ry      Koto.
# gone DX.plur Paul  as.well.as-ep.d-DX.plur Koto
# Literally:'Paul and associates as well as Koto and associates have left.'

# Narrow scope Coordination particle mbamin(a) 'as.well.as' also requires
# some kind of (even somewhat loose) association between the referents of NP.1 
# and NP.2. The relevant set for this particle is open-ended.

# Only conjuncts involving NPs are allowed by coordinate particles aman(a)'and.also', 
# mbamin(a)'as.well.as' & ambin(a)'in.addition.to'. 


# 5. Other CONSECUTIVE Coordination particles { ka 'and.as.a.result', InflP-Adjunct fa 'but.not', 
#    CP-Adjunct fa 'because, since', ...}

# (i) CP-Adjunction Coordination particle Ka 'and.as.a.result'.

# This subset of Malagasy data shows that the adjoined structure CAN show up to the right 
# of the grammatical subject.

  Efa mianatra i Paoly ka mahay mamaky teny.
# Efa     m-   i-     anatra i    Paoly ka ma-         hay m-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny.
# already pres-pref.i-anatra D.sg Paul KA  Adj.pref.ma-hay pres-an-vaky    word
# 'Paul already goes to school and.as.a.result knows how to read words.'

  Efa nianatra i Paoly ka nahay namaky teny.
# Efa     n-   i-     anatra i    Paoly ka na-         hay n-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny.
# already past-pref.i-anatra D.sg Paul KA  Adj.pref.na-hay past-an-vaky    word
# 'Paul already went to school and.as.a.result knew how to read words.'

  Efa hianatra i Paoly ka hahay hamaky teny.
# Efa  h-   i-    anatra i    Paoly ka ha-         hay h-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny.
# soon fut-pref.i-anatra D.sg Paul KA  Adj.pref.ha-hay fut-an-vaky    word
# 'Paul will soon go to school and.as.a.result will know how to read words.'


# The following subset of ungrammatical sequences show that it is NOT possible to 
# adjoin a structure with ka 'and.as.a.result' to the immediate right of VP.1 
# especially in a discourse-initial position.

# Ungrammatical
  Efa mianatra ka mahay mamaky teny i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# Efa     m-   i-     anatra ka  ma-         hay m-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny i    Paoly .
# already pres-pref.i-anatra KA  Adj.pref.ma-hay pres-an-vaky    word D.sg Paul 
# 'Paul already goes to school and.as.a.result knows how to read words.'

# Ungrammatical
  Efa nianatra ka nahay namaky teny i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# Efa     n-   i-     anatra ka  na-         hay n-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny i    Paoly .
# already past-pref.i-anatra KA  Adj.pref.na-hay past-an-vaky    word D.sg Paul 
# 'Paul already went to school and.as.a.result knew how to read words.'

# Ungrammatical
  Efa hianatra ka hahay hamaky teny i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# Efa     h-   i-     anatra ka  ha-         hay h-a(n>)m-(v)aky teny i    Paoly .
# already past-pref.i-anatra KA  Adj.pref.ha-hay fut-an-vaky     word D.sg Paul 
# 'Paul will soon go to school and.as.a.result will know how to read words.'


# (ii)  InflP-Adjunction Coordination particle fa meaning exclusively 'but.not'.

# Coordination particle fa meaning 'but.not' involves an InflP-Adjunction. It is obviously 
# possible to adjoin this InflP-structure to the immediate right of an appropriate matrix VP.
# However note that it is NOT possible to have two different tense-markers on the two VPs.

# First, note that it is definitely possible to have an InflP-structure adjoined to the right
# of a grammatical subject, as illustrated in:

  Miasa i Paoly fa tsy mianatra.
# M-   i-     asa      i    Paoly fa  tsy m-   i-     anatra.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  but not pres-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Paul is working but not studying.'

  Niasa i Paoly fa tsy nianatra.
# N-   i-     asa      i    Paoly fa  tsy n-   i-     anatra.
# past-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  but not past-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Paul was working but was not studying.'

  Hiasa i Paoly fa tsy hianatra.
# H-   i-     asa     i    Paoly fa  tsy h-   i-    anatra.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  but not fut-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Paul will be working but not studying.'


# Second, it is possible to adjoin the InflP-structure to the immediate right of VP.1.

  Miasa fa tsy mianatra i Paoly.
# M-   i-     asa      fa  tsy m-   i-     anatra      i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa but not pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul is working but not studying.'

  Niasa fa tsy nianatra i Paoly.
# N-   i-     asa      fa  tsy n-   i-     anatra      i    Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.asa but not past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul was working but was not studying.'

  Hiasa fa tsy hianatra i Paoly.
# H-  i-     asa      fa  tsy h-   i-    anatra      i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa but not fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul will be working but not studying.'


# However, it is NOT possible to have two different tenses on VP.1 and VP.2.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa i Paoly fa tsy nianatra.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      i    Paoly fa  tsy n-   i-     anatra.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  but not past-pref.i-root.anatra 
# 'Paul is working but was not studying.'
# Recall that the relevant meaning for coordinate particle fa is 'but.not', i.e. with
# an explicit contrast introduced by the conjoined VP.1 fa 'but.not' VP.2.

# Ungrammatical
  Niasa fa tsy hianatra i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# N-   i-     asa      fa  tsy h-   i-     anatra      i    Paoly.
# past-pref.i-root.asa but not fut-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul was working but will not be studying.'

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa fa tsy mianatra i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-  i-     asa      fa  tsy m-   i-    anatra      i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa but not pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul will be working but is not studying.'



# (iii) CP-Adjunction Coordination particle fa meaning 'because, since'.

# It is NOT possible to adjoin a CP-structure involving Coordination particle 
# fa meaning 'because, since' to the immediate right of the matrix VP. Also 
# note that it is now possible to have two different tense-markers on the two VPs.
# Last but not least, note that with a CP-Adjunct involving particle fa 'because'
# it is possible not only to have a VP.2 with a different tense, it is also
# possible to have VP.2 with a different subject. 

# Contrast the following minimal pair involving a CP-Adjunction:

  Miasa i Paoly fa tsy nianatra.
# M-   i-     asa      i    Paoly fa      tsy n-   i-     anatra.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  because not past-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Paul is working since/because he did not study.'
# Note that coordinate particle fa here means 'because' and NOT 'but.not' and that
# VP.1 and VP.2 now have different tense-markers.

# Ungrammatical
  Miasa fa tsy nianatra i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# M-   i-     asa      fa      tsy n-   i-     anatra      i    Paoly.
# pres-pref.i-root.asa because not past-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul is working since/because he did not study.'


# In addition, with a CP-Adjunct it is now possible to have different tenses 
# on VP.1 and VP.2. But once again adjunction of VP.2 to the immediate 
# right of VP.1 remains irretrievably ungrammatical.

  Hiasa i Paoly fa tsy mianatra.
# H-  i-     asa      i    Paoly fa      tsy m-   i-     anatra.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  because not past-pref.i-root.anatra
# 'Paul will be working since/because he does not study.'
# Note that as already underlined above, in this instance coordinate particle fa
# means 'because' and NOT 'but.not'.

# Ungrammatical
  Hiasa fa tsy mianatra i Paoly.(0! 0 0 0)
# H-   i-     asa      fa      tsy m-  i-     anatra      i    Paoly.
# fut-pref.i-root.asa because not pres-pref.i-root.anatra D.sg Paul
# 'Paul will be working since he is not studying.'


# Last but not least, with a CP-Adjunct it is now not only possible to have 
# different tenses on VP.1 and VP.2, it is also possible to have a different 
# subject for VP.2.

  Tsy hiasa i Paoly fa tsy nianatra ny zanany.
# Tsy h-  i-     asa      i    Paoly fa      tsy n-   i-     anatra      ny zana(ka)-ny.
# Not fut-pref.i-root.asa D.sg Paul  because not past-pref.i-root.anatra Det child-of.his
# Literally:'Paul will not be working since/because his children did not study.'
# English:'Paul will not be at work since his children are not at school.'

# Note that as already underlined above, in this instance coordinate particle fa
# means 'because' and NOT 'but.not'.